The Memory of Burke and the Memory of Pitt: English Conservatism Confronts its past, 1806–1829

1987 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 623-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. J. Sack
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Precarious Situation ◽  
As If

On 27 January 1806, in a house of commons newly integrating the momentous events of Trafalgar, Nelson's death, and Napoleon's victory at Austerlitz, the obsequies of William Pitt commenced. Lord Lascelles proposed that the late prime minister be honoured as had been his father twenty-eight years before, with a public funeral. The motion eventually passed but the inter-party wrangle that it caused was unseemly. William Windham, who had served as Pitt's Secretary at War between 1794 and 1801, wondered why such unusual honours were proposed for Pitt, given both the precarious situation of the current war (so unlike the Great Commoner's contribution to British glory) and the fact that Edmund Burke's death in 1797 had elicited no such designs. ‘In every point of comparison that could be made,’ said Windham, ‘Mr Burke stood upon the same level with Mr Pitt, and I do not see the reason for the difference.’ In retrospect, it may appear odd that any leading politician thought Burke was entitled to a state funeral. He had been neither war leader nor prime minister, the usual recipients of public funerals. Few others in the political nation in 1797, whig or Pittite, shared Windham's judgement on this matter. That Windham thought the Pittitesshouldhave shared his judgement was the source of his bitterness in his speech to the House. If Burke's acknowledged enemies, the Foxite whigs, had opposed public honours for Burke, Windham would not have been surprised,But that was not the case; it was not from them that the objection came, but from gentlemen on the other side of the house [Pittites], who took Mr Burke as the leader of their opinions, who cried him up to the skies, who founded themselves upon what he had done, but who were afraid, that if they consented to such honours, it would appear as if they approved of all the sentiments of that great man some of which were, perhaps, of too high a tone for them to relish.

Rhetoric and argumentation: the unity of the field

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Meyer
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Classic Problem ◽  
False Dilemma ◽  
The Difference ◽  
As If

Rhetoric has always been torn between the rhetoric of figures and the rhetoric of conflicts or arguments, as if rhetoric were exclusively one or the other. This is a false dilemma. Both types of rhetoric hinge on the same structure. A common formula is provided in Chapter 3 which unifies rhetoric stricto sensu and rhetoric as argumentation as two distinct but related strategies adopted according to the level of problematicity of the questions at stake, thereby giving unity to the field called “Rhetoric.” Highly problematic questions require arguments to justify their answers; non-divisive ones can be treated rhetorically through their answers as if they were self-evident. Another classic problem is how to understand the difference between logic and rhetoric. The difference between the two is due to the presence of questions explicitly answered in the premises in logic and only suggested (or remaining indeterminate) in rhetoric.

Behaving respectfully

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peggy D. Bennett
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Social Health ◽  
The Difference ◽  
As If

“Respect your elders.” “Show some respect.” “He’s my supervi­sor, I must respect him.” Respect is a feeling of esteem and admiration. Yet it is also a behavior, showing consideration and goodwill. These two manifestations of respect are important distinctions as we navi­gate relationships with others and choose our behaviors toward them. What we sometimes forget is that respect can simply be behaved. We can “behave our way into it.” We need not respect someone in order to behave respect­fully toward them. And it is the “behaving respectfully toward” that maintains the health of schools and school relationships. At times when we do not feel esteem toward another, we can “behave our way into” what is necessary and best. It is possible that respect more frequently involves behav­ior than attitude. For example, we may not have reason to feel respect toward everyone we encounter. How do we know strang­ers are worthy of our respect? Even for those who may not be worthy, we can behave respectfully toward them anyway. See the difference? How do we make a habit of behaving respectfully? We behave as if we respect a person. We behave as if the person respects us. We behave in a manner that the situation calls for. And we make choices to be considerate, to show the best of ourselves, even though the other may not have earned or deserved our respect. You may think adopting this calculated responsiveness aims to serve the other person. But it really serves us both. When we reserve judgment long enough to shift to behaving respectfully, we are the benefactors as much as the recipients are. We reframe negative assumptions. We give the benefit of the doubt. We sus­pend judgment. Each of these intentions serves our own mental, physical, and social health. Imagine the possibilities for schools if teachers, parents, administrators, and students learn that behaving respectfully is something we can all do. Imagine a habit of mind in which behaving respectfully is an automatic balm for our spirits: it bol­sters us, it gives us confidence, and it revitalizes our power to be generous and kind.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Arab Cultural Underdevelopment

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-142
Author(s):  
Emad El-Din Aysha
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
As If

Lawrence E. Harrison pins the blame forArab-Islamic underdevelopment ona set of cultural dysfunctions. Among those that interest me are “submissivecollectivism rather than individualism” and the hostility to ‘innovation,’‘change,’ and ‘dissent’; “isolationism” not just toward non-Muslims but eveninternally, placing an “emphasis on family, clan and ethnic cohesion ratherthan broader relationships”; and “clerical interpretations ... that have ... transmittedfatalistic dogma, ... permitted adoption of scientific and technologicaladvances from outside but closed the door to the liberalizing cultural forcesthat made these advances possible.”1Well, the Saudis do “believe that oil was a gift from Allah ... It was areward for their devout belief ... Ever thankful, they see no reason to deny theteachings of theKoran.”As for importing western know-howwithout the valuesthat come with it, the Saudis also believe that “God has given them oilwealth which is to be translated into money as a means by which they can modernize. But one should never interfere with the other”2 – as if one can buya television set without the manual that tells you how to use it ...

Britain: Labour’s Long Apprenticeship

2019 ◽  
pp. 3-40
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Civil Defense ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
British People

This chapter discusses the Labour Party's contribution to the British people at war and the promise they offered for a postwar future. The roots of the Labour Party go back to 1900, when Britain's labor federation, the Trades Union Congress (TUC), sought to increase the political influence of the working class in Parliament. A conference convened by the TUC launched the Labour Representation Committee, which changed its name to the Labour Party in 1906 after it had established a toehold in the House of Commons. In Winston Churchill's coalition, the Prime Minister himself ran the war and personally made important military and diplomatic decisions. The chapter then looks at Labour's wartime presence, focusing on the development of the civil defense and the mobilization of workers. It also considers the Beveridge Report.

Legislative Records, 2000

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-336
Author(s):  
Tomoaki Iwai
Keyword(s):  
Sudden Death ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Power ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Political Scene

The political scene behind Japan's legislation in 2000 was uneasy and flurried. The ascent to political power by Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori following the sudden death of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, the shift in political framework caused by the separation of the Liberal Party from the coalition government, and the general election came one after the other in a series of restless succession.

scholarly journals Dekonstruksi Sosial Melalui Foto Hoax

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Afusa Nidya Kinasih
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Social Flow ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
The Media ◽  
As If

Social Deconstruction Through Hoax Photo. The Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki TjahayaPurnama was sentenced to 2 years in prison due to a blasphemy case that occurred in 2016 ago. As a result of this incident, the FPI mass organization (Front Pembela Islam) held an action "411 AksiDamai" which was led directly by FPI chairman Habib Rizieq Shihab with demands to thoroughly investigate Ahok as a suspect in the blasphemy case. On the other hand, the community is separated into two camps. This incident made AganHarahap, a digital artist make creative manipulations, as if Ahok and Habib Rizieq had made peace. In essence, people are dragged by the media to form a social flow that has the power to force. Social currents that may be created in the crowd of cyberspace are seen as contestation of opinion. Agan tried to shake up the political fact into a reality that is formed using Photoshop software.  

scholarly journals Inapt gratitude: against expansionist views

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrance McConnell
Keyword(s):  
Moral Virtue ◽  
Moral Norm ◽  
The Other ◽  
Character Trait ◽  
General Character ◽  
Philosophical Position ◽  
Psychological Literature ◽  
The Difference ◽  
As If

AbstractPsychologists and philosophers have written much about gratitude recently. Many of these contributions have endorsed expansionist views of gratitude, counseling agents to feel and express gratitude in many circumstances. I argue that the essential features of the moral norm of gratitude are that a beneficiary acknowledges and appreciates benefits provided by another who is acting from beneficence, and is disposed to provide a comparable benefit to the benefactor if a suitable occasion arises. The best-known philosophical version of expansionist views claims that gratitude is apt even in cases where the “benefactor” not only did not intend to benefit the other, but intended to harm her. In the psychological literature, expansionists typically do distinguish between being grateful to and being grateful that. But they also write as if there is one general character trait of gratefulness. In this paper I argue that the philosophical position considered is mistaken on conceptual and moral grounds, and that the dominant view among psychologists fails to recognize the difference between two different traits of gratitude, one a moral virtue and the other a prudential virtue.

The Canadian Elections of 1930

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1000
Author(s):  
Frederic H. Soward
Keyword(s):  
Rocky Mountains ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Decisive Victory ◽  
Mackenzie King ◽  
Political Scene

The decisive victory, on July 28, of the Conservative party in the seventeenth general election since Confederation came as a surprise to the Canadian people. The party, which did not elect a single member in six of the nine provinces in 1921, carried six provinces decisively and in two others, Saskatchewan and Quebec, scored its greatest successes since 1911. In 1926, Mr. Bennett, the new prime minister, was the only Conservative member between the Great Lakes and the Rocky Mountains. This time he has 23 Conservatives among the 54 Prairie members. He, indeed, has more Conservative supporters in the House of Commons than any prime minister since Sir John A. MacDonald. With a majority of 28, exclusive of the speaker, over all opposition parties, he is the first prime minister in a decade to be undoubted master of the political scene (see note 1 on following page).When Prime Minister Mackenzie King announced, on May 6, the speedy dissolution of Parliament, he may have thought that it was wise to go to the country before the trade depression had been too prolonged, or, as seems more probable, he may have underestimated the seriousness of the situation. One of his strongest supporters, the Manitoba Free Press, made the following significant comment the day after the election: “The manner in which Mr. Bennett played upon Mr. King's pride, combativeness, and perhaps belief in his star in order to get him in the mood to fight a battle on ground chosen by his opponents and under conditions which helped them and put him at a disadvantage will doubtless be recorded in future books of political strategy for future prime ministers.”

scholarly journals XXII. A comparison of the late imperial standard troy pound weight with a platina copy of the same, and with other standards of authority. communicated by professor Schumacher, For. Memb. R. S., in a letter to F. Baily, Esq., V. P. and Treas. R. S

1836 ◽  
Vol 126 ◽  
pp. 457-495
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Legal Standard ◽  
The Difference

1. Being desirous of obtaining an accurate copy of the English Imperial Standard Troy Pound, for an intended comparison of our weights therewith, I applied to the late Captain Kater, and he had the goodness to procure for me not only a copy made by Mr. Bate, exactly similar to those described in his paper, but also a balance of Mr. Robinson, of the same dimension and construction as that used by himself in comparing the legal standard in the custody of the Clerk of the House of Commons. The copy of the Troy pound is of the same kind of brass as that used by Mr. Bate for the other copies sent by Captain Kater to different towns in Great Britain. It bears the stamp “T y P d 1824” ; the same stamp, in fact, that was upon the pound No. 2. † which Captain Kater sent to Edinburgh. I shall designate this pound by the letter K. I received it, March 12, 1827, from the late Dr. Young . He had noted upon the cover of the box, "Imperial Troy pound: found by Captain “ Kater to exceed the standard a very little, not more than ·006 grain.” 2. Fearing that this comparison (giving only one limit, for it is not said how much the difference is below 0·006 gr.) might not be made with that care which I thought necessary for the use I intended to make of the copy, I wrote again to Captain Kater, begging him to send me a second copy compared more carefully with the standard. He kindly undertook the task, ordered for me at Mr. Robinson’s a second copy made of brass, together with divisions by halves, and sent it me in the summer of 1828, with the following notice:

How Dorothy L. Sayers Helped the Prime Minister of Canada Rally His Country before D-Day

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Robert Revington
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Integral Role ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Mackenzie King

In May 1944, Dorothy L. Sayers exchanged letters and had a phone conversation with William Lyon Mackenzie King, the prime minister of Canada. Sayers's letter made such an impression on King that he saw mystical and prophetic significance in its arrival and used it in a speech he gave in the Canadian House of Commons. This study uses the digitised archives of King's diaries and the parliamentary records of his speech, as well as Canadian media accounts from the time. It will be shown that Sayers played an underappreciated role in helping the Canadian prime minister rally his country during the war, as the speech that used her letter met with acclaim across the political spectrum and received positive notice in Canadian newspapers. In the weeks leading up to D-Day, Sayers played an integral role in building up the morale of Canada's prime minister, as he endeavoured to inspire his country. Finally, King's diaries offer first-hand testimony of how one important contemporary figure reacted to the radio broadcasts of The Man Born to Be King, as he particularly enjoyed Sayers's portrayal of the masculinity of Jesus.

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