Rhetoric and argumentation: the unity of the field

Author(s):  
Michel Meyer

Rhetoric has always been torn between the rhetoric of figures and the rhetoric of conflicts or arguments, as if rhetoric were exclusively one or the other. This is a false dilemma. Both types of rhetoric hinge on the same structure. A common formula is provided in Chapter 3 which unifies rhetoric stricto sensu and rhetoric as argumentation as two distinct but related strategies adopted according to the level of problematicity of the questions at stake, thereby giving unity to the field called “Rhetoric.” Highly problematic questions require arguments to justify their answers; non-divisive ones can be treated rhetorically through their answers as if they were self-evident. Another classic problem is how to understand the difference between logic and rhetoric. The difference between the two is due to the presence of questions explicitly answered in the premises in logic and only suggested (or remaining indeterminate) in rhetoric.

Author(s):  
Peggy D. Bennett
Keyword(s):  

“Respect your elders.” “Show some respect.” “He’s my supervi­sor, I must respect him.” Respect is a feeling of esteem and admiration. Yet it is also a behavior, showing consideration and goodwill. These two manifestations of respect are important distinctions as we navi­gate relationships with others and choose our behaviors toward them. What we sometimes forget is that respect can simply be behaved. We can “behave our way into it.” We need not respect someone in order to behave respect­fully toward them. And it is the “behaving respectfully toward” that maintains the health of schools and school relationships. At times when we do not feel esteem toward another, we can “behave our way into” what is necessary and best. It is possible that respect more frequently involves behav­ior than attitude. For example, we may not have reason to feel respect toward everyone we encounter. How do we know strang­ers are worthy of our respect? Even for those who may not be worthy, we can behave respectfully toward them anyway. See the difference? How do we make a habit of behaving respectfully? We behave as if we respect a person. We behave as if the person respects us. We behave in a manner that the situation calls for. And we make choices to be considerate, to show the best of ourselves, even though the other may not have earned or deserved our respect. You may think adopting this calculated responsiveness aims to serve the other person. But it really serves us both. When we reserve judgment long enough to shift to behaving respectfully, we are the benefactors as much as the recipients are. We reframe negative assumptions. We give the benefit of the doubt. We sus­pend judgment. Each of these intentions serves our own mental, physical, and social health. Imagine the possibilities for schools if teachers, parents, administrators, and students learn that behaving respectfully is something we can all do. Imagine a habit of mind in which behaving respectfully is an automatic balm for our spirits: it bol­sters us, it gives us confidence, and it revitalizes our power to be generous and kind.


1987 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 623-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. J. Sack

On 27 January 1806, in a house of commons newly integrating the momentous events of Trafalgar, Nelson's death, and Napoleon's victory at Austerlitz, the obsequies of William Pitt commenced. Lord Lascelles proposed that the late prime minister be honoured as had been his father twenty-eight years before, with a public funeral. The motion eventually passed but the inter-party wrangle that it caused was unseemly. William Windham, who had served as Pitt's Secretary at War between 1794 and 1801, wondered why such unusual honours were proposed for Pitt, given both the precarious situation of the current war (so unlike the Great Commoner's contribution to British glory) and the fact that Edmund Burke's death in 1797 had elicited no such designs. ‘In every point of comparison that could be made,’ said Windham, ‘Mr Burke stood upon the same level with Mr Pitt, and I do not see the reason for the difference.’ In retrospect, it may appear odd that any leading politician thought Burke was entitled to a state funeral. He had been neither war leader nor prime minister, the usual recipients of public funerals. Few others in the political nation in 1797, whig or Pittite, shared Windham's judgement on this matter. That Windham thought the Pittitesshouldhave shared his judgement was the source of his bitterness in his speech to the House. If Burke's acknowledged enemies, the Foxite whigs, had opposed public honours for Burke, Windham would not have been surprised,But that was not the case; it was not from them that the objection came, but from gentlemen on the other side of the house [Pittites], who took Mr Burke as the leader of their opinions, who cried him up to the skies, who founded themselves upon what he had done, but who were afraid, that if they consented to such honours, it would appear as if they approved of all the sentiments of that great man some of which were, perhaps, of too high a tone for them to relish.


Author(s):  
Terrance McConnell

AbstractPsychologists and philosophers have written much about gratitude recently. Many of these contributions have endorsed expansionist views of gratitude, counseling agents to feel and express gratitude in many circumstances. I argue that the essential features of the moral norm of gratitude are that a beneficiary acknowledges and appreciates benefits provided by another who is acting from beneficence, and is disposed to provide a comparable benefit to the benefactor if a suitable occasion arises. The best-known philosophical version of expansionist views claims that gratitude is apt even in cases where the “benefactor” not only did not intend to benefit the other, but intended to harm her. In the psychological literature, expansionists typically do distinguish between being grateful to and being grateful that. But they also write as if there is one general character trait of gratefulness. In this paper I argue that the philosophical position considered is mistaken on conceptual and moral grounds, and that the dominant view among psychologists fails to recognize the difference between two different traits of gratitude, one a moral virtue and the other a prudential virtue.


1996 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 419-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Sterzi ◽  
Sylvie Piacentini ◽  
Mario Polimeni ◽  
Francesco Liverani ◽  
Edoardo Bisiach

AbstractRecent investigations have distinguished between ophthalmokinetic and melokinetic factors of unilateral neglect. The aim of our study was to investigate the possible dissociation between melokinetic (premotor) and perceptual factors, avoiding any overt oculokinctic components. We asked four blindfolded left neglect patients to set a dichotic sound in central position, by moving a handle controlling the difference of intensity between the sounds delivered to the left and to the right cars. Two conflicting conditions were used. In the congruent condition, the sound moved in the same direction as the hand movement; in the noncongruent condition, it moved in the opposite direction. One patient performed as if suffering from melokinetic neglect, and another as if suffering from perceptual neglect. The behavior of the other two subjects did not lend itself to a clearcut interpretation. (JINS, 1996, 2, 419–425.)


1973 ◽  
Vol 29 (02) ◽  
pp. 490-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroh Yamazaki ◽  
Itsuro Kobayashi ◽  
Tadahiro Sano ◽  
Takio Shimamoto

SummaryThe authors previously reported a transient decrease in adhesive platelet count and an enhancement of blood coagulability after administration of a small amount of adrenaline (0.1-1 µg per Kg, i. v.) in man and rabbit. In such circumstances, the sensitivity of platelets to aggregation induced by ADP was studied by an optical density method. Five minutes after i. v. injection of 1 µg per Kg of adrenaline in 10 rabbits, intensity of platelet aggregation increased to 115.1 ± 4.9% (mean ± S. E.) by 10∼5 molar, 121.8 ± 7.8% by 3 × 10-6 molar and 129.4 ± 12.8% of the value before the injection by 10”6 molar ADP. The difference was statistically significant (P<0.01-0.05). The above change was not observed in each group of rabbits injected with saline, 1 µg per Kg of 1-noradrenaline or 0.1 and 10 µg per Kg of adrenaline. Also, it was prevented by oral administration of 10 mg per Kg of phenoxybenzamine or propranolol or aspirin or pyridinolcarbamate 3 hours before the challenge. On the other hand, the enhancement of ADP-induced platelet aggregation was not observed in vitro, when 10-5 or 3 × 10-6 molar and 129.4 ± 12.8% of the value before 10∼6 molar ADP was added to citrated platelet rich plasma (CPRP) of rabbit after incubation at 37°C for 30 second with 0.01, 0.1, 1, 10 or 100 µg per ml of adrenaline or noradrenaline. These results suggest an important interaction between endothelial surface and platelets in connection with the enhancement of ADP-induced platelet aggregation by adrenaline in vivo.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Feldman

This paper is a contribution to the growing literature on the role of projective identification in understanding couples' dynamics. Projective identification as a defence is well suited to couples, as intimate partners provide an ideal location to deposit unwanted parts of the self. This paper illustrates how projective identification functions differently depending on the psychological health of the couple. It elucidates how healthier couples use projective identification more as a form of communication, whereas disturbed couples are inclined to employ it to invade and control the other, as captured by Meltzer's concept of "intrusive identification". These different uses of projective identification affect couples' capacities to provide what Bion called "containment". In disturbed couples, partners serve as what Meltzer termed "claustrums" whereby projections are not contained, but imprisoned or entombed in the other. Applying the concept of claustrum helps illuminate common feelings these couples express, such as feeling suffocated, stifled, trapped, held hostage, or feeling as if the relationship is killing them. Finally, this paper presents treatment challenges in working with more disturbed couples.


Author(s):  
Philip Isett

This chapter presents the equations and calculations for energy approximation. It establishes the estimates (261) and (262) of the Main Lemma (10.1) for continuous solutions; these estimates state that we are able to accurately prescribe the energy that the correction adds to the solution, as well as bound the difference between the time derivatives of these two quantities. The chapter also introduces the proposition for prescribing energy, followed by the relevant computations. Each integral contributing to the other term can be estimated. Another proposition for estimating control over the rate of energy variation is given. Finally, the coarse scale material derivative is considered.


Metahumaniora ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 378
Author(s):  
Vincentia Tri Handayani

AbstrakFolklor yang menghasilkan tradisi lisan merupakan perwujudan budaya yang lahirdari pengalaman kelompok masyarakat. Salah satu bentuk tradisi lisan adalah ungkapan yangmengandung unsur budaya lokal dalam konstruksinya yang tidak dimiliki budaya lainnya.Ungkapan idiomatis memberikan warna pada bahasa melalui penggambaran mental. Dalambahasa Perancis, ungkapan dapat berupa locution dan expression. Perbedaan motif acuansuatu ungkapan dapat terlihat dari pengaruh budaya masyarakat pengguna bahasa. Sebuahleksem tidak selalu didefinisikan melalui unsur minimal, tidak juga melalui kata-kata,baik kata dasar atau kata kompleks, namun dapat melalui kata-kata beku yang maknanyatetap. Hubungan analogis dari makna tambahan yang ada pada suatu leksem muncul dariidentifikasi semem yang sama. Semem tersebut mengarah pada term yang diasosiasikan danyang diperkaya melalui konteks (dalam ungkapan berhubungan dengan konteks budaya).Kata kunci: folklor, ungkapan, struktur, makna idiomatis, kebudayaanAbstractFolklore which produces the oral tradition is a cultural manifestation born out theexperience of community groups. One form of the oral tradition is a phrase that containsthe elements of local culture in its construction that is not owned the other culture. Theidiomatic phrase gives the color to the language through the mental representation. InFrench, the expression can consist of locution and expression. The difference motivesreference of an expression can be seen from the influence of the cultural community thelanguage users. A lexeme is not always defined through a minimal element, nor throughwords, either basic or complex words, but can be through the frost words whose meaningsare fixed. The analogical connection of the additional meanings is on a lexeme arises fromthe identification of the same meaning. The meaning ‘semem’ leads to the associated termsand which are enriched through the context (in idiom related to the cultural context).Keywords : folklore, idioms, structure, idiom meaning, cultureI PENDAHULUAN


Author(s):  
Peter Rez

Most of the energy used by buildings goes into heating and cooling. For small buildings, such as houses, heat transfer by conduction through the sides is as much as, if not greater than, the heat transfer from air exchanges with the outside. For large buildings, such as offices and factories, the greater volume-to-surface ratio means that air exchanges are more significant. Lights, people and equipment can make significant contributions. Since the energy used depends on the difference in temperature between the inside and the outside, local climate is the most important factor that determines energy use. If heating is required, it is usually more efficient to use a heat pump than to directly burn a fossil fuel. Using diffuse daylight is always more energy efficient than lighting up a room with artificial lights, although this will set a limit on the size of buildings.


Author(s):  
Timothy M. Stirtz

AbstractGaahmg has ergative traces in a predominately nominative-accusative system. Clauses with object focus demonstrate ergative case marking on postverbal noun and pronoun agents, and an ergative morpheme is also bound to verbs. Other evidence for ergativity is that the ergative morpheme is morphologically and syntactically distinct from the passive morpheme. Ergative morphemes and constructions in Gaahmg are similar to those of other Nilo-Saharan languages, including Luwo, Päri, and Shilluk. The Gaahmg antipassive also resembles that of other Nilo-Saharan languages. Yet, unlike other languages with ergativity and antipassives, Gaahmg readily combines the antipassive with ergative, passive, and causative morphemes in the same verb form. The Gaahmg antipassive occurs in nominative-accusative structures, as well as in object-focus clauses with ergative-absolutive structures. Further, the antipassive co-occurs with the passive, as if both the nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive structures are simultaneously present in the same clause, and the language is currently shifting from one structure to the other.


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