scholarly journals Dekonstruksi Sosial Melalui Foto Hoax

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Afusa Nidya Kinasih

Social Deconstruction Through Hoax Photo. The Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki TjahayaPurnama was sentenced to 2 years in prison due to a blasphemy case that occurred in 2016 ago. As a result of this incident, the FPI mass organization (Front Pembela Islam) held an action "411 AksiDamai" which was led directly by FPI chairman Habib Rizieq Shihab with demands to thoroughly investigate Ahok as a suspect in the blasphemy case. On the other hand, the community is separated into two camps. This incident made AganHarahap, a digital artist make creative manipulations, as if Ahok and Habib Rizieq had made peace. In essence, people are dragged by the media to form a social flow that has the power to force. Social currents that may be created in the crowd of cyberspace are seen as contestation of opinion. Agan tried to shake up the political fact into a reality that is formed using Photoshop software.  

Author(s):  
Seth Brodsky

In the quarter century since the collapse of East Germany, the uncountable reflections that flower the media landscape inevitably turn to music. And when they do, they waffle. There is something untimely, and uncanny, about this waffling. It is as if the tensions structuring music's role in the heady days of the late 1960s were being therapeutically replayed twenty years later: 1968 yet again as the fetish object. On the one hand, music here is the fantasmatic sound of revolution itself, of truth speaking to power, and power falling to pieces under the weight of truth's irrefutable audibility, equal parts libido and righteousness. On the other hand, it is the traumatic reminder of failure, and the disenchanting premise that this “society of the spectacle” was not so powerful after all—that the revolution, in merely appearing, failed to show up. Judging from the examples of Hasselhoff, Rostropovich, and Bernstein, this chapter argues that music seems woven perfectly into a master's discourse: a process of shoring up a sovereign, of suturing itself to an empty signifier, producing a split subject, and precipitating an excessive enjoyment in the form of an object of desire.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Armstrong-Taylor

Abstract When do politicians lie? A politician who admits to wrongdoing will likely suffer some loss of popularity, but probably not as great as if he denied wrong doing and was subsequently discovered to have lied. This simple observation has a number of implications. For example, a politician in a marginal seat may have little choice but to risk lying as admitting will lose him too much popularity to survive. On the other hand, a politician in a relatively safe seat might survive the loss from admitting, but not from lying and being caught. Therefore we might predict the likelihood that a politician admits to a scandal to be positively related (over some range at least) to the security of his seat. This paper tests this prediction, and some others, with data from House bank scandal of 1991-92.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Mateusz Falkowski

The article is devoted to the famous The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne de La Boétie. The author considers the theoretical premises underlying the concept of “voluntary servitude”, juxtaposing them with two modern concepts of will developed by Descartes and Pascal. An important feature of La Boétie’s project is the political and therefore intersubjective – as opposed to the individualistic perspective of Descartes and Pascal – starting point. It is therefore situated against the background of, on the one hand, the historical evolution of early modern states (from feudal monarchies, through so-called Renaissance monarchies up to European absolutisms) and, on the other hand – of the political philosophy of Machiavelli and Hobbes.


1933 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-422
Author(s):  
R. C. Evans

In the spectrum formed by a grating the red is more deviated than the blue, while in that formed by a prism, which does not exhibit anomalous dispersion in the visible spectrum, the reverse is the case. If, then, white light is passed first through a grating and then through a prism, the nature of the spectrum produced will depend on the relative dispersions of the grating and prism. If throughout the spectrum the dispersion of the prism is less than that of the grating, the sequence of colours will be the same as that in the spectrum due to the grating alone, red being more deviated than blue. If, on the other hand, the dispersion of the prism is throughout the spectrum greater than that of the grating, the sequence of colours will be reversed. On account of the rapid increase in the dispersion of glass near the blue end of the spectrum, it may, however, be possible that the dispersion of the prism exceeds that of the grating in the blue while in the red the reverse is the case. Under these conditions both red and blue will be more deviated than some intermediate colour for which the dispersions of the grating and prism are equal. The spectrum will thus have a sharp edge of this colour at the end of minimum deviation, while in the direction of greater deviation it will at each point consist of two superimposed colours. It is as if an ordinary white light spectrum was folded back on itself about the sharp edge.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-608
Author(s):  
Jo Craeghs

In the political field, Flanders experienced a very eventful year throughout 1996. The inauguration of the Flemish Parliament and the award for a 'Draft Constitution for Flanders ' made up two symbolic heights of the Belgian federalization. On the other hand, the deepening and the widening of the Flemish autonomy regularly led to tensions between the Flemish and the Walloon Community.In the policy fields as well, far-reaching changes took place. The most important ones are mentioned within the scope of this annual review article.


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