PROBLEMATIZING A PALESTINIAN DIASPORA

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 646a-646a
Author(s):  
Julie Peteet

This paper critically examines the term “diaspora” to describe contemporary Palestinian society. Exploring academic scholarship on diaspora more generally, and theway Palestinians can or cannot be subsumed by this conceptualization, opens the way for a critique of the concept itself. The goal is to complicate the notion of a Palestinian diaspora rather than to accept it as an unquestioned categorization. Focusing on demographic, spatial, and legal phenomena, in particular refugees' legal identity, provides a broad lens through which to probe the term's appropriateness in the Palestinian context. What are the political ramifications of assuming a Palestinian diaspora? Does an insistence on the right of return represent a refusal of diaspora?

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anaheed Al-Hardan

The 1948 Nakba has, in light of the 1993 Oslo Accords and Palestinian refugee activists' mobilisation around the right of return, taken on a new-found centrality and importance in Palestinian refugee communities. Closely-related to this, members of the ‘Generation of Palestine’, the only individuals who can recollect Nakba memories, have come to be seen as the guardians of memories that are eventually to reclaim the homeland. These historical, social and political realities are deeply rooted in the ways in which the few remaining members of the generation of Palestine recollect 1948. Moreover, as members of communities that were destroyed in Palestine, and whose common and temporal and spatial frameworks were non-linearly constituted anew in Syria, one of the multiples meanings of the Nakba today can be found in the way the refugee communities perceive and define this generation.


Author(s):  
Justine Lacroix

This chapter examines a number of key concepts in Hannah Arendt's work, with particular emphasis on how they have influenced contemporary thought about the meaning of human rights. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's claim that totalitarianism amounts to a destruction of the political domain and a denial of the human condition itself; this in turn had occurred only because human rights had lost all validity. It then considers Arendt's formula of the ‘right to have rights’ and how it opens the way to a ‘political’ conception of human rights founded on the defence of republican institutions and public-spiritedness. It shows that this ‘political’ interpretation of human rights is itself based on an underlying understanding of the human condition as marked by natality, liberty, plurality and action, The chapter concludes by reflecting on the so-called ‘right to humanity’.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-306
Author(s):  
Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill

After 1918, millions of refugees from the former Russian and Ottoman Empires found themselves without citizenship. To facilitate refugee travel and work, Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, League of Nations HCR, established an international identity certificate, generally known as the “Nansen passport” This document identified the refugee but did not give him the same rights as a legal passport, most notably, the right of return. After the war, racism in Canada's immigration program and a concern for potential public charges affected the way in which Canada dealt with the Nansen passport, her participation at international conferences dealing with refugees, and the entry of refugees qua refugees. These developments occurred at a time when Canada was trying to establish an international presence and a measure of independence from Britain.


Author(s):  
Abbas Fadhel Atwan

The recent developments in the region, especially Iraq and Syria, represented a historic opportunity for the Kurds, which made them an important player with international support and paved the way for partition and federalism. There is no dispute that the referendum is consistent with general principles such as the right of peoples to self-determination, Others with the Iraqi constitution and mechanisms of independence recognized, but it strengthens the position of the region in negotiations with Baghdad, has raised the date of a referendum on the independence of the Kurdistan region on 25 September 2017 And the political situation in Iraq and Turkey after the referendum of the Kurdistan region, As a result of the failure of each of them to agree to reject the results of the referendum secession of the Kurdistan region and the intensification of sanctions on the region, but also strengthened military and security cooperation between their countries after months of tension between them.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laleh Khalili

The Oslo negotiations——and the specter of a Palestinian renunciation of the right of return——greatly increased the insecurities of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The new uncertainties in turn triggered the emergence in the refugee camps of commemorative practices different from those previously sponsored by the Palestinian leadership. The new forms of commemoration, centered on the villages left behind in Palestine in 1948 and including popular ethnographies, memory museums, naming practices, and history-telling using new technologies, have become implicit vehicles of opposition and a means of asserting the refugees' membership in the Palestinian polity. Beyond reflecting nostalgia for a lost world, the practices have become the basis of the political identity of the younger generations and the motivation for their political mobilization.


Refuge ◽  
2003 ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Adina Friedman

The notion of Return in many ways epitomizes the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. The Palestinian Right of Return, one embodiment of this notion, has constituted a hurdle in the parties’ attempts to reach a sustainable agreement. Rather than regard the conflict as of zero-sum nature, this paper assumes that Palestinians and Israelis, in their negotiations on the Right of Return and other issues, do not hear each other, and in fact are seldom speaking the same language even when it seems they are discussing the same issue. It examines the ways in which Israelis and Palestinians understand the issue of Return, and suggests a number of factors that influence their different understandings – as well as what each is able to hear from the other. A sustainable agreement would have to take these factors into account in its formulation and in the way in which it is delivered to both peoples.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maha Nassar

This article traces the evolving discourse on the "right of refugee return"among the Palestinian citizens of Israel during the first decade of Israeli statehood, with emphasis on the role of the local Arabic press in shaping and reflecting that discourse. More particularly, it focuses on al-Ittihad, the organ of the communist party (MAKI), which paid the greatest attention to the refugee issue. In tracing the party's shift from a humanistic/anti-imperialist stance on the issue to one emphasizing the refugees' inalienable right to return, the article sheds light on MAKI's political strategy vis-à-vis the Palestinian minority. It also illustrates the political vibrancy in the early years of the community, generally viewed simplistically in terms of a pre-1967 quiescence and post-1967 politicization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gordon Finlayson

AbstractMany commentators have failed to identify the important issues at the heart of the debate between Habermas and Rawls. This is partly because they give undue attention to differences between Rawls’s original position and Habermas’s principle (U), neither of which is germane to the actual dispute. The dispute is at bottom about how best to conceive of democratic legitimacy. Rawls indicates where the dividing issues lie when he objects that Habermas’s account of democratic legitimacy is comprehensive and his is confined to the political. But his argument is vitiated by a threefold ambiguity in what he means by ‘comprehensive doctrine’. Tidying up this ambiguity helps reveal that the dispute turns on the way in which morality relates to political legitimacy. Although Habermas calls his conception of legitimate law ‘morally freestanding’, and as such distinguishes it from Kantian and natural law accounts of legitimacy, it is not as freestanding from morality as he likes to present it. Habermas’s mature theory contains conflicting claims about the relation between morality and democratic legitimacy. So there is at least one important sense in which Rawls’s charge of comprehensiveness is made to stick against Habermas’s conception of democratic legitimacy, and remains unanswered.


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