scholarly journals Social Conflict and Trade-Union Organisation in the Catalan Cotton Textile Industry, 1890–1914

1991 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angel Smith

SUMMARYThe article deals with the development of Catalan cotton textile trade unionism between 1890 and 1914. It has been argued that, given the economic difficulties which faced the cotton textile industry, employers were anxious to cut labour costs and unwilling to negotiate with trade unions. Between 1889 and 1891, therefore, they launched an attack on trade-union organisation within the industry. In many rural areas they were able to impose their will with relatively little difficulty. In urban Catalonia, however, they faced stiffer opposition. The state's response to labour unrest was not uniform. Nevertheless, at crucial moments the authorities supported the mill owners' assaults on labour organisation. The result was to radicalise the cotton textile labour force. This could be seen in the growing influence of socialists and anarchists in the textile unions' ranks, and in the increasing willingness of the textile workers to use general strike tactics.

1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Ramaswamy

Key offices in most trade unions in India are held by "outsiders" who do not belong to the trade or industry from which the members are drawn. The outsiders have marked political loyalties, with the result that almost every trade union in the country owes explicit allegiance to a political party. The partisan leanings of the outsiders have often been taken to mean that their primary role as union leaders is to seize on every available opportunity for making political gain. This paper, based on an intensive study of a textile workers' union in South India, contends that the outsiders, notwithstanding their partisan leanings, may be vitally involved in furthering their members' job-related interests. The purely trade union activities of the outsiders are divided into three broad categories. The nature of the grievance, the power wielded by the outsiders in its settlement, the pressures they can bring on the management, and the role they play differ significantly among these three categories. But in none of these is any attempt made by the outsiders to bring in their political interests. Imparting an ideological color to industrial disputes is neither necessary nor useful. While the outsiders do use their union base to further their political interests, they keep trade unionism and politics as discrete spheres of activity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick

This article presents the author's reflections on the possibilities of a restructuring of the international trade union movement, on the basis of a collective research project to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) which seeks to open a debate within the movement over the lessons to be learned from its history as a guide for its future action. The most important question facing the trade union movement today is what is generally called 'globalisation', a phenomenon that goes back many years, both in terms of economic developments and labour struggles. From this perspective, the paper examines the basis for the existing divisions of the international labour movement, before going over the work of the ICFTU and of the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) to achieve the regulation of the multinational corporations and of the international economy, and concluding on the prospects for unity of action in the unions' work around the global economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Woodcock

This article provides an overview of the growth of game worker organising in Britain. These workers have not previously been organised in a trade union, but over the last 2 years, they have developed a campaign to unionise their sector and launched a legal trade union branch. This is a powerful example of so-called ‘greenfield’ organising, beyond the reach of existing trade unions and with workers who have not previously been members. The article provides an outline of the industry, the launch of the Game Workers Unite international network, the growth of the division in Britain as well as their formation as a branch of the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain. The aim is to draw out lessons for both the videogames industry, as well as other non-unionised industries, showing how the traditions of trade unionism can be translated and developed in new contexts.


2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Strange

This article evaluates the changing assessments within the British trade union movement of the efficacy of European Union integration from the viewpoint of labour interests. It argues that there has been a marked further ‘Europeanisation’ of British trade unionism during the 1990s, consolidating an on-going process which previous research shows began in earnest in the mid 1980s. A shift in trade union economic policy assessments has seen the decisive abandonment of the previously dominant ‘naive’ or national Keynesianism. While there remain important differences in economic perspective between unions, these are not such as would create significant divisions over the question of European integration per se, the net benefits of which are now generally, though perhaps not universally, accepted. The absence of fundamental divisions is evident from a careful assessment of the debates about economic and monetary union at TUC Congress. The Europeanisation of British trade unionism needs to be seen within the context of an emergent regionalism, in Europe and elsewhere. It can best be understood as a rational response by an important corporate actor (albeit one whose national influence has been considerably diminished in recent decades) to globalisation and a significantly changing political economy environment.


2009 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Lang ◽  
Mona-Josée Gagnon

Many analysts of Brazilian industrial relations share a determinist vision of the country’s trade unionism, according to which the unions maintain a paradoxical yet atavistic relationship with the heavy body of laws that provide them with advantages while limiting their freedom. We tested this vision by conducting field enquiries into the daily activities of two Brazilian unions: the ABC Metalworkers Union and the Seamstress Union for the Sao Paulo and Osasco Region. In this article, we present the results of our case studies and what they reveal about Brazilian trade unionism’s relationship with the labour legislation. We also briefly discuss former trade union leader and current President Lula’s recent attempts to reform the country’s labour relations system.


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodoros Katsanevas

This paper examines the main economie determinants and related factors which have influenced decisevely trade union growth in Greece and the development of the highly complex organizational structure of Greek trade unionism.


1990 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 8-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Miller

Stress management programmes for trade union officials still remain underdeveloped. This article seeks to highlight some of the methodological problems in trying to mount such programmes within the political context of contemporary trade unionism. The author argues that a much more “holistic” approach towards the “management of discontent” is necessary.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAJNARAYAN CHANDAVARKAR

In 1981, on the eve of the general strike that convulsed the Bombay cotton textile industry, millowners, managers and workers alike acknowledged that the jobber was a thing of the past. The jobber system, they agreed, had been dismantled decades previously.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Arthurs

The development of trade unionism amongst managers poses a challenge to traditional conceptions of industrial relations. This paper discusses government policies towards managerial unionism and the justifications which have been put forward for restricting the trade union activity of managers. It argues that concern about managerial unionism is built upon three main assumptions: (a) managers will be faced with conflicting loyalties and placed in the impossible position of attempting to satisfy the contradictory demands of employer and union; (b) the unionisation of managers will lead to an unacceptable shift in the balance of power from employers towards trade unions; (c) the presence of managers will compromise the independence of trade unions. The conclusion is reached that the limitations which many governments place upon managerial unionism are based upon assumptions which, although not entirely without foundation, are generally incorrect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-151
Author(s):  
Giulia Giulia ◽  
Giovanni Orlandini

Introduction: the Italian way to internal devaluation; 1.a Precarization of labour and weakening of trade union action at company level (amendment of dismissal law); 1.b Circumvention of the CCNL by means of exceptional employment contracts; 1.c Downward competition on labour costs by means of outsourcing and value chains; 1.d Promotion of decentralized collective bargaining and its power to derogate from the law and freezing of collective bargaining in the public sector; 2. The trade union(s) strategies; 2.a Bargaining strategy; 2.b Judicial strategy; 2.c Confrontational strategy; 3. New challenges for workers and new challenges for their organization(s); 3.a Italian trade unions’ strategies; 3.b Alternative experiences of (and in favour of) precarious workers; 4. Anti-austerity protests: the involvement of trade unions and social movements; 5. Concluding remarks; Bibliography.


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