Slavery in Nineteenth Century Egypt

1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Baer

In nineteenth-century Egypt Circassian females were mostly kept in the harems of wealthy Turks, the concubines of ‘middle class’ Egyptians generally were Abyssinians, while male and female Negro slaves were used for domestic service by almost all layers of Egyptian society. In addition to domestic service, black slaves were used as soldiers by Egypt's rulers and, contrary to the prevalent assumption, as agricultural workers on the farms of the Muḥammad Alī family and elsewhere in Upper Egypt and during periods of prosperity and shortage of labour also in Lower Egypt. Apparently there were at least 30,000 slaves in Egypt at different times of the nineteenth century, and probably many more.White slaves were brought to Egypt from the eastern coast of the Black Sea and from the Circassian settlements of Anatolia via Istanbul. Brown and black slaves were brought (a) from Darfur to Asyūṭ, directly or through Kordofan; (b) from Sennar to Isnā; (c) from the area of the White Nile; (d) from Bornu and Wadāy via Libya and the Western Desert; (e) from Abyssinia and the East African coast through the Red Sea. The slave dealers in Egypt were mainly people from Upper Egypt and the Oases, beduin and villagers of the Buḥayra province. They were divided into dealers in black and in white slaves and organized in a guild with a shaykh. Cairo was the great depot of slaves and the centre of the trade, but a very important occasion for trading in slaves was the annualmawlidof Ṭanṭā.Official measures taken against the slave-trade were among the important causes for the final disappearance of slavery in Egypt. These were, amongst others, the appointment of foreigners, mainly British, as governors of the Sudan and commanders of special missions to suppress the trade; two Anglo-Egyptian conventions, of 1877 and of 1895, for the suppression of slavery; and, from 1877 on, the establishment of offices and later a special service for the fight against the trade and for the manumission of slaves. However, were it not for the internal development of Egyptian society, these measures could never have succeeded; this is illustrated by the tremendous obstacles they encountered and their ineffectiveness for a long time. During the last two decades of the nineteenth century most of these impediments vanished. In addition to the Mahdist revolution and the reconquest of the Sudan, the most important change was the emergence of a free labour market as a result of accelerated urbanization and the collapse of the guild system. At the same time a small but important section of Egyptians had changed their attitudes towards slavery as a result of their cultural contact with Europe.

Author(s):  
Rayya Timammy ◽  
Amir Swaleh

This paper has the objective to make a thematic analysis of a classic poem Utendi wa Mwana Kupona using a Swahili/Islamic approach. The poem is believed to have been written by Mwana Kupona binti Mshamu in 1858. The poem is intended to be a motherly advice to her daughter about her religious and marital duties in a Swahili society.As a background to this paper, it was found out that Swahili culture has been greatly influenced by Islam. Ever since Arab, Persian, Indian and other merchants from Asia and the Middle East visited the East African coast to trade or settle, the Waswahili people embraced Islam. The Islamic religion influenced Swahili culture greatly. One of the more direct influences was the adoption of the Arabic script which the Swahili used to write their poetry and used it for other communication.The Arabic language had a lot of impact on the Kiswahili language, enriching it with new vocabulary, and especially religious and literary terminology. This is why a majority of the Waswahili are Muslims; hence Islam is an attribute accompanying the definition of ‘Mswahili’. A modest estimate would put words borrowed from the Arabic language into the Kiswahili language at between twenty to thirty percent.The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw a rapid development of written Kiswahili literature, especially in verse form. The majority or almost all of the poets of the time were very religious or very knowledgeable about Islam. This is the reason most poems of the time were pervaded by Islamic religious themes or other themes but definitely using an Islamic perspective. Utendi wa Mwana Kupona is one such verse. It is a mother’s advice to her daughter about her duties and obligations towards God, and specifically, towards a husband.


2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD B. ALLEN

Census and other demographic data are used to estimate the volume of the illegal slave trade to Mauritius and the Seychelles from Madagascar and the East African coast between 1811 and c. 1827. The structure and dynamics of this illicit traffic, as well as governmental attempts to suppress it, are also discussed. The Mauritian and Seychellois trade is revealed to have played a greater role in shaping Anglo-Merina and Anglo-Omani relations between 1816 and the early 1820s than previously supposed. Domestic economic considerations, together with British pressure on the trade's sources of supply, contributed to its demise.


1879 ◽  
Vol 168 ◽  
pp. 485-496 ◽  

The Crustacea collected by Messrs. G. Gulliver and H. H. Slater amount in all to 189 specimens, representing 35 species. All of these are forms that are widely distributed throughout the Indo-Pacific or Oriental Region (which includes the eastern coast of Africa, the south and east of Asia and islands adjacent, Australia, and the islands of Polynesia), with the following exceptions:— Atergatopsis signatus (hitherto only known from the Mauritius), Caridina typus (original locality not known), Palœmon dispar (hitherto recorded only from the Malayan Archipelago), Palœmon hirtimanus (from Mauritius, Réunion, and the Indian Ocean), P. debilis (from Amboina and the Sandwich Islands), and the new species of Talitrus ( T. gulliver i), which is described below. With two exceptions all the species in the collection belong to the Podophthalmia . The following are the sub-tribes represented, with the number of species belonging to each :— The Crustacea inhabiting the Red Sea have been made the subject of special study by Rüppell and Heller, those of Madagascar and the islands adjacent by Hoffmann, of Mauritius and Réunion by Alphonse Milne-Edwards, and of the South African coast by M’Leay and Krauss. Valuable additions to our knowledge of the Crustacea of the East African coast have been published by Hilgendorf, in Van der Decken’s “Reisen in Ost-Afrika,” where will also be found a conspectus of all the known species of East African Crustacea by Von Martens. So far as I am aware, however, no species have hitherto been recorded as inhabiting the Island of Rodriguez.


1996 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 301-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall L. Pouwels

A few years ago I offered an assessment of the Pate “Chronicles” as a tradition-based source for the history of the East African coast. That paper drew on recensions and versions that were readily available at that time to researchers interested in their historiography. Reasons of length and scope, cited at the end of the paper, restricted discussion to Sultan Fumo Madi b. Abu Bakr and his predecessors (Sultan nos. 1-24), that is to say, up to the time of the Battle of Shela,ca. 1807-13. To reiterate, in that paper I established the following points:(1) All recorded versions appear to have been based on an oral tradition that was extant in the mid- to late nineteenth century among Nabahani family members. The existence of a “Book of the Kings of Pate,” mentioned by Werner and Prins, is problematic (see 3 below).(2) Despite the number of versions of the Pate “Chronicles,” they appear to have actually come from only two informants, Bwana Kitini and Mshamu bin Kombo, who was a relative or possibly, as Tolmacheva claims, Bw. Kitini's brother.(3) Except for minor, though discernible, differences between the lists of the sultans given by both informants, most versions are consistent to a surprising degree. This seems attributable to the fact that there wereonlytwo informants, Kitini and Mshamu, who also were related, and who therefore themselves probably shared the same source(s). Given the differences of detail beyond the kinglists, if one of those earlier sources was a written one, such as an actual “Book of the Kings of Pate,” that source seems to have afforded the informants little beyond names and regnal dates.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 335-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew C. Pawlowicz

AbstractThe Swahili communities of the East African coast have often been characterized as middlemen, defined by their ability to navigate – often quite literally – the economic networks linking the African Interior and the Indian Ocean rim. Yet diversity has increasingly been recognized between Swahili communities. In this paper I add to the awareness and explication of Swahili diversity through comparative analysis of the archaeology of the southern Tanzanian town of Mikindani. In particular, I work to extend our knowledge of political and economic competition in East Africa backwards from the better documented nineteenth century. For Mikindani, its inhabitants’ changing abilities to access certain kinds of ceramics trace the competitive structures of this part of the coast and provide evidence for their success or failure in navigating a complex economic landscape.


1963 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 278
Author(s):  
Ernst Dammann ◽  
G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville

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