Henry George the Prophet

1976 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Bob Lawson-Peebles

The Gilded Age saw the emergence of a number of figures who produced alternative theories to the dominant doctrine of laissez-faire. One such alternative theorist was Henry George (1839–97), a man of pronounced individualist proclivities who invoked the Jeffersonian tradition of sturdy agrarian independence as a corrective to an unbalanced economy which, he believed, was driving a destructive wedge between rich and poor. Today, George is regarded primarily as an economic reformer and his best-selling book with its jingling title, Progress and Poverty (1879), is read for its analysis of post-bellum America and for the panacea that it propounds: a levy on the value of land which, because it was designed to replace all other taxes, came to be called the Single Tax. In contrast, George's religious beliefs have received scant attention from his biographers and historians of the period, who have done little more than note that he was a devout Christian. This oversight has been rectified in a recent article by Fred Nicklason, ‘ Henry George: Social Gospeller ’, which draws attention to the religious orientation of George's writings and discusses his relations with churchmen. Yet although Nicklason stresses the importance of George's religious activity, he asserts that ‘ George himself moved from an initial concern for the single tax as a social reform to a deep-seated regard for its divine sanction ’. I believe that this is a misconception of George, and I shall try to show that his visionary experience led him to regard himself as a religious leader and prompted him to formulate his social theory. I also hope to demonstrate that his messianic pretensions grew with his following and that it was his religious role, rather than the Single Tax, which during his lifetime not only made disciples but also influenced theorists who were otherwise unsympathetic to his economic bolus.

Author(s):  
Steve Bruce

‘What sociology is not’ considers how sociology should differ from related and apparently similar enterprises. Although sociology owes much to reformers and many sociologists derive their research interests from their moral and political engagement with the world, sociology must be distinguished from social reform. The problems of partisanship and relativism are discussed along with how social theory and sects within sociology can threaten the discipline. Sociology must be empirical, and in asserting that it must be a social science we must bear in mind the advantages and disadvantages that come from the discipline’s odd subject matter: ourselves. Common sense provides the best warrant for the possibility of social science.


1994 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-40
Author(s):  
Debra A. Meyers ◽  

Frank Lloyd Wright is widely recognized as one of America's most creative architects. His influence continues around the world. Since Wright's death in 1959, his impact on architecture and social reform has remained an important topic for historians. Wright's genius has been attributed to his mentor Louis Sullivan, his father's love of classical music, or his preschool training with Froebel developmental toys. Although these factors may have played a part in Wright's development, his religious beliefs were central to his social theory and Organic Architecture. Wright's life and work was a concerted effort to convert the world to his strong Unitarian religious beliefs.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-335
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Lipin

This essay provides a reexamination of Henry George by focusing on how ideas about gender and nature informed one of the key objectives of the George movement: the transformation of the Gilded Age city into a metropolis of working-class suburbs tied together by single-tax funded public transportation. George was hardly a conservationist, and his understanding of nature was very different from those urban elites who sought to preserve nature. He simply did not accept the conservationist notion of depleted resources, which was inconsistent with his natural law belief in a boundless nature, a point that in turn grew out of the producerist emphasis of his political economy. Yet, George appreciated the need for a nonproductive relationship with nature, and he and his followers articulated this in terms of developing a healthier and more moral domestic environment. He applied such thinking to his political efforts in New York City during the mid-1880s, condemning the moral as well as the physical consequences of overcrowding that he blamed on land speculation. George enthusiastically embraced emerging transportation technologies as facilitators of mass residential decentralization. In so doing, he articulated a vision of a thoroughly reconfigured city that integrated nature into family life by enabling the development of a more spread-out metropolis.


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
NEIL B. NIMAN

Henry George, self-taught economist to the common man, developed a strong following outside the halls of academic discourse for his ideas about land, rent, and the single tax. Since he drew the ire of important economists such as John Bates Clark and Alfred Marshall, it should come as no surprise that few professional economists were willing to acknowledge his influence on the economics of the day. Yet, a closer look reveals that at least in the case of Thorstein Veblen, a clear connection can be made between these two important American thinkers. The concept of an unearned increment establishes their shared connection by illustrating the tension that exists between individuals and communities when individual property rights are assigned to community assets.


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