Radical churchman. Edward Lee Hicks and the new liberalism. By Graham Neville. Pp. xii+360 incl. frontispiece. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. £50. 0 19 826977 3 Christian socialism. Scott Holland to Tony Blair. The 1998 Scott Holland Lectures. By Alan Wilkinson, foreword Tony Blair. Pp. xviii+302. London: SCM Press, 1998. £14.95 (paper). 0 334 02749 7

2001 ◽  
Vol 52 (03) ◽  
pp. 521
Author(s):  
David Bebbington
2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Furnham ◽  
Thomas Li-Ping Tang ◽  
David Lester ◽  
Rory O'Connor ◽  
Robert Montgomery

A total of 253 British and 318 American students were asked to make various estimates of overall intelligence as well as Gardner's (1999a) new list of 10 multiple intelligences. They made these estimations (11 in all) for themselves, their partner, and for various well-known figures such as Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, and Bill Clinton. Following previous research there were various sex and nationality differences in self-estimated IQ: Males rated themselves higher on verbal, logical, spatial, and spiritual IQ compared to females. Females rated their male partner as having lower verbal and spiritual, but higher spatial IQ than was the case when males rated their female partners. Participants considered Bill Clinton (2 points) and Prince Charles (5 points) less intelligent than themselves, but Tony Blair (5 points) and Bill Gates (15 points) more intelligent than themselves. Multiple regressions indicated that the best predictors of one's overall IQ estimates were logical, verbal, existential, and spatial IQ. Factor analysis of the 10 and then 8 self-estimated scores did not confirm Gardner's classification of multiple intelligences. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Guillermo Mastrini
Keyword(s):  
Siglo Xx ◽  

Este texto analiza la trayectoria que la Economía Política de la Comunicación (EPC) y sus principales autores, tanto americanos como europeos, han ido experimentando desde mediados del siglo XX. Habla de cómo la parte crucial de la EPC es desentrañar las lógicas políticas, económicas y sociales presentes en las industrias culturales; y de cómo el concepto de industrias culturales se torna clave en todo el desarrollo de esta perspectiva. Incluso desde antes del nacimiento de la EPC, el desarrollo conceptual que ofrecen Horkheimer y Adorno de la industria cultural es imprescindible para el desarrollo de la teoría. Desde un análisis crítico, la EPC se convierte en esencial sobre todo desde que el sector de la comunicación ha incrementando su participación en la economía mundial. La aparición de ‘journals’ o la consolidación de secciones específicas de EPC en los encuentros internacionales (IAMCR) así lo demuestra. Más adelante, la incursión del término industria creativa (popularizado por el gobierno de Tony Blair en 2000) ha sido muy criticado por los principales teóricos de la EPC. Pero hoy en día, se plantea la necesidad de nuevas visiones y nuevos abordajes de análisis tomando los nuevos conceptos de industrias culturales y creativas como una de las posibles puertas de entrada para aproximarse al fenómeno comunicacional, pero teniendo la precaución de no generalizar ni de borrar la especificidad de la cultura.


This edited book will make an important, timely, and innovative contribution to the now flourishing academic discipline of political leadership studies. We have developed a conceptual framework of leadership capital and a diagnostic tool—the Leadership Capital Index (LCI)—to measure and evaluate the fluctuating nature of leadership capital. Differing amounts of leadership capital, a combination of skills, relations, and reputation, allow leaders to succeed or fail. This book brings together leading international scholars to engage with the concept of “leadership capital” and apply the LCI to a variety of comparative case studies. The LCI offers a comprehensive yet parsimonious and easily applicable ten-point matrix to examine leadership authority over time and in different political contexts. In each case, leaders “spend” and put their “stock” of authority and support at risk. United States president, Lyndon Johnson, arm-twisting Congress to put into effect civil rights legislation, Tony Blair taking the United Kingdom into the invasion of Iraq, Angela Merkel committing Germany to a generous reception of refugees: all ‘spent capital’ to forge public policy they believed in. We are interested in how office-holders acquire, consolidate, risk, and lose such capital. This volume concentrates predominantly on elected ‘chief executives’ at the national level, including majoritarian and consensus systems, multiple and singular cases. We also consider some presidential and sub-national cases. The purpose of the exercise is indeed exploratory: the chapters are a series of plausibility probes, to see how the LCI framework ‘performs’ as a descriptive and analytical tool.


This chapter compares the leadership capital of two long-serving UK prime ministers: Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher, treble election winners who held office for a decade. Mapping their capital over time reveals two very different patterns. Thatcher began with low levels of capital, building to a mid-term high and final fragile dominance, though her capital fell between elections. Blair possessed very high levels from the outset that gradually declined in a more conventional pattern. Both benefited from electoral dominance and a divided opposition, Thatcher’s strength lay in her policy vision while Blair’s stemmed from his popularity and communication skills. The LCI reveals that both prime ministers were successful without being popular, sustained in office by the electoral system. Towards the end of their tenures, both leaders’ continued dominance masked fragility, ousted when unrest in their parties and policy unpopularity eroded their capital.


Author(s):  
Patrick Porter

The Epilogue offers two speeches to leave the matter for readers to judge. First, there is the televised address Prime Minister Tony Blair gave on the eve of war, outlining the logic of his position and asking for support. And there is an alternative address that a British premier could had given, against military action, setting out an alternative logic of restraint. It draws on arguments and warnings made and neglected at the time, and developed in this book.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-478
Author(s):  
Martin Günzel
Keyword(s):  

Abstract Die Beteiligung Großbritanniens am 2003 begonnenen Irakkrieg gehört zu den kontroversesten Ereignissen der jüngeren britischen Zeitgeschichte und hat die Bewertung der Amtszeit des damaligen Premierministers Tony Blair nachhaltig geprägt. Die Frage, aus welchen Gründen und mit welchen Zielen sich die britische Regierung seinerzeit für einen Kurs der dezidierten Unterstützung des von den USA initiierten Kriegs entschied, konnte bislang nicht eindeutig geklärt werden. Die nunmehr zugänglichen Quellen zeigen, dass man sich in London bereits sehr früh auf eine Kriegsteilnahme festlegte und die Öffentlichkeit über die Motive täuschte. Die Art und Weise, wie der Krieg letztlich diplomatisch durchgesetzt und öffentlich begründet wurde, hat die Sicht darauf maßgeblicher geprägt als lange angenommen.


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