The Law and Labor Strife in the United States, 1881–1894

2000 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Currie ◽  
Joseph Ferrie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Legal Environment ◽  
Labor Disputes ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
The Law

This article examines the effect of state-level legal innovations governing labor disputes in the late 1800s. This was a period of legal ferment in which worker organizations and employers actively lobbied state governments for changes in the rules governing labor disputes. Cross-state heterogeneity in the legal environment provides an unusual opportunity to investigate the effects of these laws. We use a unique data set with information on 12,965 strikes to show that most of these law changes had surprisingly little effect on strike incidence or outcomes. Important exceptions were maximum hours laws and the use of injunctions.

“Striking Deaths” at their Roots: Assaying the Social Determinants of Extreme Labor-Management Violence in US Labor History—1877–1947

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 541-575
Author(s):  
Paul F. Lipold
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Labor History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
World War ◽  
Labor Management ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
The Social

The seven decades framed by the Great Railway Strike of 1877 and institutionalization of organized labor in the wake of World War II constituted a unique period of US labor relations, one that labor historians have identified as the most violent and bloody of any Western industrialized nation. Despite long-standing scholarly interest in the issues of labor-management conflict, however, important questions regarding the causes of extreme labor-management violence within the United States have never been adequately addressed. In this paper, I utilize a recently compiled and unique data set of American strike fatalities to statistically model the causes of extreme strike violence in the United States. The time-series evidence suggests that picket-line violence increased in association with (1) the struggle for and against unionization and (2) economic desperation associated with tightening labor markets. The results also both depict the stultifying effect of massacres and suggest that state support for labor's right to organize tended to decrease the likelihood of violence and vice versa. This paper not only thus provides fresh insights into classic questions, but also offers a basis for both transhistorical and international comparison.

Income inequality and the growth of redistributive spending in the United States (US) states: is there a link?

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tima T. Moldogaziev ◽  
James E. Monogan ◽  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Us States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Policy Models

AbstractProminent public policy models have hypothesised that rising income inequality will lead to more redistributive spending. Subsequent theoretical advancements and empirical research often failed to find a positive relationship between inequality and redistributive spending, however. Over the last few decades both income inequality and redistributive spending have been growing in the United States states. In this work, we consider whether temporal variation in inequality can explain variation in redistributive spending, while controlling for a number of factors that covary with redistributive spending in the states. In an analysis of data for 1976–2008, we find that higher levels of inequality are associated with greater redistributive spending, offering empirical evidence that fiscal policy at the state level responds to growing levels of income inequality. Considering the growing role of state governments in welfare provision during the past several decades, this finding is relevant for policy researchers and practitioners at all levels of government.

scholarly journals The United States: The First Formalization of Banking Supervision

2021 ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Eiji Hotori ◽  
Mikael Wendschlag ◽  
Thibaud Giddey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Banking System ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Banking Supervision ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
The Us ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
National Banking System

AbstractThis chapter examines the formalization of banking supervision in the United States (US), focusing on the federal level. During the “free banking era” from the late 1830s to 1864, several state governments created banking supervisory systems at the state level. Triggered by the fiscal needs of the Civil War, as well as the demand for a national currency, the US became the first country to introduce uniform nationwide banking supervision with the creation of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) and the national banking system. The main purpose of the OCC was to ensure that the national banks did not violate the regulations related to the new currency, the US dollar. From a historical perspective, the rapid social and economic development of the US from the 1850s provided the background for this institutional change. Although the US case demonstrates that financial crises have not always driven the formalization of banking supervision, the crises of 1907 and the Great Depression served to further strengthen the formalization of banking supervision by prompting the introduction of multi-agency banking supervision in the US.

Partisanship, Policy, and Americans’ Evaluations of State-Level COVID-19 Policies Prior to the 2020 Election

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110563
Author(s):  
Julie A. VanDusky-Allen ◽  
Stephen M. Utych ◽  
Michael Catalano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Policy Environment ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
Onset Period ◽  
Shed Light

The COVID-19 pandemic was a key policy issue during the 2020 election in the United States. As such, it is important to analyze how voters evaluated government responses to the pandemic. To this end, in this article, we examine factors that influenced Americans’ evaluations of state-level COVID-19 policy responses. We find that during the pandemic onset period, Americans typically rated their state governments’ responses more favorably if their governor was a co-partisan. In contrast, during the re-opening period, we find that Democrats relied on both partisanship and policy to evaluate their state-level responses, while Republicans continued to rely solely on partisanship. We contend that given the complex policy environment surrounding COVID-19, Americans may have not been fully aware of the policies their state governments adopted, so they relied on partisan cues to help them evaluate their state-level policy responses. But by the re-opening period, Americans likely had enough time to better understand state-level policy responses; this allowed Democrats to also evaluate their state-level responses based on policy. These findings shed light on how Americans evaluated COVID-19 responses just prior to the 2020 election.

Postcolonialism, Racial Political Fields, and Panethnicity: A Comparison of Early “Asian American” and “Hispanic” Movements

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 450-467
Author(s):  
G. Cristina Mora ◽  
Dina G. Okamoto
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Postcolonial Theory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
Data Set ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
History Of

Recent work has called for sociologists to incorporate postcolonial theory into their toolkits to better understand the mechanics of race in the United States. The authors answer this call by showing how postcolonial and field theories can be bridged to explain how movements of the 1970s developed distinct visions of panethnicity. Drawing on published case studies, as well as a unique data set of pioneering “Asian American” and “Hispanic” movement magazines from the 1970s, the authors systematically compare how community leaders framed panethnic identities before they became widely institutionalized. The authors show that although Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans could have developed a panethnic narrative centered on American imperialism, it was Asian Americans who constructed a postcolonial panethnic politics. In contrast, “Hispanic” stakeholders of the 1970s framed panethnicity more conservatively and at times patriotically. The authors contend that the different visions of panethnicity reflect the distinct colonial and imperial history of Asians and Hispanics in the United States as well as the position of Asian American and Hispanic panethnic leaders within and across the racial fields of the 1970s. This study suggests that panethnicity as a mobilizing identity narrative is politically flexible and amenable to different visions of racial equality. Moreover, the authors show how postcolonialism and field theory can be further synthesized to advance the study of panethnicity.

Political Schizophrenics? Factors Affecting Aggregate Partisan Choice at the Local Versus National Level

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Trounstine
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Party Strength ◽  
Different Levels

In a sample of 12 states across all regions of the United States, I find that one of every three counties supports a different party for president than for its local legislature. I use a unique data set containing partisan affiliations of county councillors to analyze contexts that might lead voters to choose different parties at different levels of government. I find support for three explanations of representational splits: incomplete realignment, local electoral factors, and differentials in party strength. This article takes a step toward understanding how parties and partisan identities operate in a federal system.

scholarly journals America's Graduation from High School: The Evolution and Spread of Secondary Schooling in the Twentieth Century

1998 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Goldin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
High School ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
School Enrollment ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Secondary Schooling ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Manufacturing Activity

Secondary-school enrollment and graduation rates increased spectacularly in much of the United States from 1910 to 1940; the advance was particularly rapid from 1920 to 1935 in the nonsouthern states. This increase was uniquely American; no other nation underwent an equivalent change for several decades. States that rapidly expanded their high school enrollments early in the period had greater wealth, more homogeneity of wealth, and less manufacturing activity than others. Factors prompting the expansion include the substantial returns to education early in the century and a responsive “state.” This work is based on a newly constructed state-level data set.

scholarly journals National Crimes: A New National Data Set of Lynchings in the United States, 1883 to 1941

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 237802311984178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Seguin ◽  
David Rigby
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Heterogeneity ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Data Set ◽  
New Public ◽  
Public Data ◽  
American Southeast ◽  
Mexico Border

Historians are increasingly studying lynching outside of the American Southeast, but sociologists have been slow to follow. We introduce a new public data set that extends existing data on lynching victims to cover the contiguous United States from 1883 to 1941. These data confirm that lynching was a heterogeneous practice across the United States. We differentiate between three different regimes over this period: a Wild West regime, characterized mostly by the lynching of whites in areas with weak state penetration; a slavery regime, found in former slave states, characterized mostly by the lynching of blacks; and a third minor regime, characterized by the lynching of Mexican nationals mostly along the Texas-Mexico border. We also note great variability at the county level in the extent of lynching. By contrast, we find very little state-level variability in lynching once local and regional regimes are considered. We discuss the implications of local and regional heterogeneity for quantitative lynching research using these data.

scholarly journals Economic disparities and suicides: The dynamic panel data analyses of 50 states in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 020-029
Author(s):  
Swan Bruce Q
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Panel Data ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jel Classification ◽  
Dynamic Panel Data ◽  
Dynamic Panel ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Effect Estimation

The economic inequalities associated with suicide risks among 50 states in the United States were identified in this paper to form the dynamic panel data set from 1981 to 2016. The effects of growing income inequalities on suicides in the Unites States were estimated using the Arellano–Bond method. This paper is the first to associate the social inequalities with suicides using the state-level dynamic panel data in America. It is found that the change of unemployment rates significantly and positively impact the changes of the overall suicides rates, female and male suicides rates. The changes of Top 10% income index are uniformly positive to the change of female, male and overall state-level suicide rates. The Gini index has positive correspondence within the overall and female groups, along with the insignificantly vague evidence within the male groups. The potential endogeneity problem inferring from the fixed effect estimation has been also investigated accordingly. JEL Classification: A13, A14, I18.

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