Bolivia and British Tin Policy, 1939–1945

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 289-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hillman
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Government Intervention ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Second World ◽  
Latin American Countries

During the Second World War, Bolivia became the single most important source of tin for the Allies. As with other Latin American countries who were placed in the position of supplying essential raw materials,1 Bolivia confronted a situation where the operation of normal market forces was suspended. Access to Axis markets was denied, and prices were set through government intervention, often at widely divergent levels in different markets. As a result, the impression was created that the poor producers were prevented from enjoying a wartime bonanza by exploitative collusion on the part of the rich consumers.

scholarly journals Latin America in the internationalisation strategy of Iberia, 1946–2000

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Javier Vidal Olivares
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Scaling Up ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Bilateral Agreements ◽  
Top Managers ◽  
Internationalisation Strategy ◽  
Second World ◽  
Latin American Countries

Since 1946, Iberia, the Spanish flag carrier, was one of the most useful instruments of Spanish foreign policy, focusing, after the Second World War, on connections between Europe and Latin America. Taking advantage of many bilateral agreements between Spain and Latin American countries, Iberia increased its traffic in the region and in the 1950s consolidated an extensive Latin American network. After 1965, its top managers deployed a new policy in Latin America, scaling up its technical cooperation and financial support. In order to cope with the global liberalisation and privatisation of flag carriers, in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s Iberia attempted to further escalate its penetration, acquiring many Latin American airlines, and to impede the access of European competitors in this region, but this strategy failed.

scholarly journals La imagen de América Latina en la revista Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos : 1948-1951

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Anna Virágh
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Future Perspectives ◽  
World War ◽  
Principal Characteristics ◽  
Official Ideology ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Second World ◽  
Latin American Countries

The paper presents the way the independence of the Latin American countries, their relations with Spain and their future perspectives were represented in the first volumes of Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, a cultural magazine of propagandistic aims established by the Francoist government in 1948. In the aftermath of the Second World War, the Francoist regime, forced into a relatively extended international isolation by the resolutions of the UN, had to tone down its international propaganda and seek allies for its cause, resulting in a rapprochement towards Latin American countries. Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos was a more sophisticated means of this propaganda, although it also had the important merit of encouraging a real dialogue between Latin American and Spanish intellectuals and artists. The authors of the magazine retained the principal characteristics of the official ideology of Hispanidad, but also argued for a more balanced relationship between Latin America and Spain, and saw Latin America as an emerging power within the international sphere.

The United States and Chile during the Second World War: the Diplomacy of Misunderstanding

1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113
Author(s):  
Michael J. Francis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
United States Department ◽  
World War ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Second World ◽  
Latin American Countries

During most of 1942 the United States Department of State attempted to cajole, flatter, or force the Government of Chile to break diplomatic relations with the Axis powers. The reluctance of both Chile and Argentina to join the other Latin American countries in severing relations with Germany, Italy, and Japan soon reached the level of a major foreign policy controversy, and United States officials became incensed at Chile's ‘timidity’ in joining the crusade against fascism. The misunderstanding between them, this analysis will argue, stemmed from the nature of the situation and of the parties involved.

THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-110
Author(s):  
Eric Golson
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Balance Of Payments ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Third Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Portuguese Empire ◽  
Active Choice ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Second World

ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.

Chile, Spain and Latin America: The Right of Asylum at the Onset of the Second World War

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 353-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Grugel ◽  
Monica Quijada
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right ◽  
Nationalist Government ◽  
Second World

In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.

Falling Back In

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel Maurer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Covert Action ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
Second World

This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin Roosevelt, the United States began to provide foreign aid (in the form of grants and loans) and rolled out perhaps the first case of modern covert action against the government of Cuba. Both tools were perfected during the Second World War, which saw the creation of entire agencies of government dedicated to providing official transfers and covertly manipulating the affairs of foreign states. In addition, the development of sophisticated trade controls allowed targeted action against the exports of other nations. For example, after 1948 the United States could attempt to influence certain Latin American governments by granting or withholding quotas for sugar.

scholarly journals When economics, strategy, and racial ideology meet: inter-Axis connections in the wartime Indian Ocean

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rotem Kowner
Keyword(s):  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Technology ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
Java Sea ◽  
Straits Of Malacca ◽  
Second World

AbstractJapan’s relations with Germany and Italy during the Second World War were rather limited. Nevertheless, there were some regional nuances and growing cooperation as the war drew to its close. In the Indian Ocean, at least, and especially in the area around the Straits of Malacca and the Java Sea, the Japanese and German empires, and to a lesser extent the Italian empire too, did develop a rather intensive cooperation during the final two years of the war (1943–45). This cooperation encompassed several domains, such as the exchange of vital raw materials and military technology, coordinated naval activity, and even an ideological affinity that materialized in pressures to implement harsher racial policies towards Jewish communities in the region. This article examines the scope of this unique inter-Axis collaboration, the specific reasons for why which came into being in this region in particular, and the lessons we may draw from it.

Housing in the Latin American City, 1900–1976

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Yee
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Urban Housing ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Self Help ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Second World

Housing has been a central feature of Latin America’s dramatic transformation into the most urbanized region of the world. Between 1940 and 1970, the portion of people who lived in urban areas rose from 33 percent to 64 percent; a seismic shift that caused severe housing deficits, overcrowding, and sprawl in Latin America’s major cities. After the Second World War, these urban slums became a symbol of underdevelopment and a target for state-led modernization projects. At a time when Cold War tensions were escalating throughout the world, the region’s housing problems also became more politicized through a network of foreign aid agencies. These overlapping factors illustrate how the history of local housing programs were bound up with broader hemispheric debates over economic development and the role of the nation-state in social affairs. The history of urban housing in 20th-century Latin America can be divided into three distinct periods. The first encompasses the beginning of the 20th century, when issues of housing in the central-city districts were primarily viewed through the lens of public health. Leading scientists, city planners, psychiatrists, and political figures drew strong connections between the sanitary conditions of private domiciles and the social behavior of their residents in public spaces. After the Second World War, urban housing became a proving ground for popular ideas in the social sciences that stressed industrialization and technological modernization as the way forward for the developing world. In this second period, mass housing was defined by a central tension: the promotion of modernist housing complexes versus self-help housing—a process in which residents build their own homes with limited assistance from the state. By the 1970s, the balance had shifted from modernist projects to self-help housing, a development powerfully demonstrated by the 1976 United Nations (UN) Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat I). This seminal UN forum marked a transitional moment when the concepts of self-help community development were formally adopted by emergent, neo-liberal economists and international aid agencies.

The Egalitarian Moment: Asia and Africa, 1950–80. By D. A. LOW. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xiv + 131. £10.95, paperback (ISBN 0-521-56765-3).

1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-177
Author(s):  
BILL FREUND
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
World War ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Egalitarian Society ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Second World

These four essays by the distinguished historian Anthony Low, best-known to Africanists for his writings on Uganda, constitute the Wiles Lectures given at the Queen's University, Belfast in 1994. Tightly argued, they revolve around a straightforward point. Despite the political impulse which brought about attempts to create an egalitarian society in the Asian and African countryside, the dominant pattern in the generation after the Second World War was one of the strengthening of the class of rich peasants or kulaks. With a few exceptions, Low points to the effacement of landlord regimes and systems based on inequality from above and through status. Attempts to break the back of the rich peasants succeeded only in certain authoritarian states such as China and Viet Nam and even then, the kulaks reasserted themselves. It is the radical experiments such as Mengistu's Ethiopia and Nyerere's Tanzania that Low best likes to juxtapose with displays of power and effective accumulation from below. The implication must be the evisceration of continued attempts to create an egalitarian countryside. Low ranges widely in making this point looking at East Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, India, China and the Pacific and his breathtaking sweep makes this suggestive book an enjoyable read.

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