Mismatching nominals and the small clause hypothesis

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-46
Author(s):  
PAUL ROGER BASSONG
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Small Clause ◽  
Theoretical Contribution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Split Topicalization ◽  
Feature Checking

I propose a comprehensive analysis of what has been commonly referred in the literature to as split, discontinuous noun phrases or split topicalization. Based on data from Basaá, a Narrow Bantu language spoken in Cameroon, I partly capitalize on previous authors such as Mathieu (2004), Mathieu & Sitaridou (2005) and Ott (2015a), who propose that this morphosyntactic phenomenon involves two syntactically unrelated constituents which are only linked semantically in a predication relation in a small clause (Moro 1997, 2000; Den Dikken 1998). According to these analyses, split noun phrases are obtained as a result of predicate inversion across the subject of the small clause. Contrary to/but not against these views, I suggest that what raises in the same context in Basaá is rather the subject of the small clause as a consequence of feature-checking under closest c-command (Chomsky 2000, 2001), and for the purpose of labelling and asymmetrizing an originally symmetric syntactic structure on the surface (Ott 2015a and related work). The fact that the target of movement is the subject and not the predicate of the small clause follows from agreement and ellipsis factors. Given that the subject of predication is a full DP while the predicate is a reduced DP with a null head modifier, the surface word order is attributed to the fact that noun/noun phrase ellipsis is possible if the elided noun is given in the discourse and is recoverable from the morphology of the stranded modifier. This paper offers a theoretical contribution from an understudied language to our understanding of this puzzling nominal construction.

scholarly journals Focus marking in Kikuyu

2003 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 41-118
Author(s):  
Florian Schwarz
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Native Speaker ◽  
Generative Grammar ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Theoretical Contribution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Entire Sentence ◽  
Truth Value ◽  
Focus Marking ◽  
Different Parts

Im Kikuyu, einer in Kenia gesprochenen Bantusprache, wird Fokus systematisch durch Wortstellung markiert. In dieser Arbeit werden die verschiedenen Varianten der Markierung von Fokus in Frage-Antwortsequenzen dargestellt. Nach einem Überblick über in der Literatur vorhandene Diskussionen des Phänomens wird auf der Grundlage von mit einem Muttersprachler erhobenen Daten eine syntaktische Analyse von Fokuskonstruktionen mit der Partikel ne vorgeschlagen. Ferner werden neue Daten zur Fokussierung verschiedener Satzteile, z.B. der VP, des ganzen Satzes und des Wahrheitswerts, präsentiert. Ziel der Arbeit ist somit, die deskriptive Datenbasis zu Fokuskonstruktionen im Kikuyu zu erweitern und einen theoretischen Beitrag zu ihrer Analyse im Rahmen der generativen Grammatik zu liefern. Die Arbeit wurde im Sommer 2003 als Magisterarbeit an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Institut für deutsche Sprache und Linguistik, angenommen. In Kikuyu, a Bantu language spoken in Kenya, focus is marked systematically by means of word order. In this study, the different possibilities for marking focus in question answer sequences are presented. After an overview of the discussions of the phenomenon in the literature, a syntactic account for focus constructions with the particle ne is proposed. This account is based on original data that was gathered with a native speaker. In addition, new data on focusing different parts of the sentence, e.g. the VP, the entire sentence, or the truth-value, are presented. The aim of this study thus is to broaden the descriptive basis for focus constructions in Kikuyu and to provide a theoretical contribution to their analysis in the framework of generative grammar.

scholarly journals BASIC WORD ORDER IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE: A HYBRID EXTENDED PROJECTION PRINCIPLE (EPP) | A ORDEM BÁSICA DE PALAVRAS NO PORTUGUÊS BRASILEIRO: UM PRINCÍPIO DA PROJEÇÃO ESTENDIDO (EPP) HÍBRIDO

2017 ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Michelle Sheehan
Keyword(s):  
Hybrid Model ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Small Clause ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Explanatory Account ◽  
Extended Projection ◽  
The Subject

<p>This paper proposes a novel analysis of word order in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), based on a hybrid model of EPP satisfaction. It is proposed that the subject requirement or EPP is a [uD] feature on T which can be satisfied either by DP movement or by movement of an inflected verb bearing a [D] feature in BP. This, it is claimed, offers an explanatory account of basic word order patterns in BP.  External argument DPs, merged above V, are closer to T than V, meaning that they must raise to satisfy the EPP, predicting SV(O) order with transitive and unergative predicates, including transitive psych-predicates. Internal arguments are merged below V, however, and so with unaccusatives, it is movement of the verb bearing a [uD] feature which satisfies the EPP, giving rise to VS order. With copular verbs which take small clause complements, a similar affect holds, as the copular verb can satisfy the EPP. Verb movement can also satisfy the EPP in impersonal contexts, hence the fact that BP lacks overt expletives.</p><p>Resumo: Este artigo propõe uma nova análise da ordem de palavras no Português Brasileiro (PB), baseada num modelo hibrido de satisfação do Princípio da Projeção Extendido (PPE). Propõe-se que o requisito de sujeito ou PPE é um rasgo [uD] no núcleo T, que se pode satisfazer ou por alçamento de um DP ou por movimento de um verbo flexionado com um traço [D] no PB. Esta abordagem oferece uma análise explanatória da ordem básica das palavras no PB. Os argumentos externos (dos verbos transitivos e inergativos) que originam acima do verbo, são mais perto de T, assim que devem mover para satisfazer o PPE, o que prediz corretamente a ordem SV(O) com estes verbos (incluso os predicados psicológicos transitivos).  Os argumentos internos originam abaixo do verbo, assim que com os verbos inacusativos, e o verbo com um traco [D] que deve satisfazer o PPE, ocasionando a ordem VS. Com os verbos copulares com clausulas pequenas como complemento, observamos algo parecido porque a verbo copulativo também pode satisfazer o PPE. O alçamento do verbo também pode satisfazer o PPE em contextos impessoais, por isso a falta de expletivos no PB. </p><p> </p>

scholarly journals On Agree without agreement as a source of reflexive voice constructions

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark C Baker
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Semantic Component ◽  
The Subject

Switch-reference has recently been argued to be the result of clausal functional heads entering into Agree with two nearby noun phrases, creating pointers to those noun phrases but not actually copying their morphosyntactic features. Instead, the semantic component interprets the pointers as referential dependency holding between pointed-to noun phrases. This article applies this analysis to reflexive voice constructions in which a feature-invariant affix appears on the verb to indicate that the (highest, direct) object is referentially dependent on the (thematic) subject of the same clause. First it surveys the properties that such constructions should have if reflexive voice is maximally like switch-reference. Then it argues that the Bantu language Lubukusu has just such a construction, the verbal affix i partnering with the overt anaphor omweene to create reflexive clauses. Dravidian reflexive voices are presented as another possible case. Finally, it turns to reflexive and reciprocal voice constructions in Shipibo (Panoan), which seem to have a detransitivizing effect. However, no major detransitivizing account fits all the facts. Rather, reflexive voice in Shipibo is like Lubukusu, except that the anaphor is phonologically null and deficient in phi-features, failing to trigger ergative case on the subject for that reason. True detransitivization may happen in some languages with reflexive voice, but not in all, and it will take considerable care to sort out which are which.

scholarly journals The secret life of focus exponents, and what it tells us about fronted verbal projections

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kordula De Kuthy ◽  
W. Detmar Meurers
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Natural Explanation ◽  
Complex Word ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definiteness Effect ◽  
Focus Projection

The paper investigates a complex word order phenomenon in German and the interaction of syntax and information structure it exemplifies: the occurrence of subjects as part of a fronted non-finite constituent and particularly the so-called definiteness effect excluding (many) definite subjects from this position. We explore the connection between focus projection and the partial fronting cases and show that it is the subject of those verbs which allow their subject to be the focus exponent that can be included as part of a fronted verbal constituent. In combination with the observation by Webelhuth (1990) that fronted verbal constituents need to be focused, this provides a natural explanation of the definiteness effect in terms of the information structure requirements in these sentences. Interestingly, the generally ignored exceptions to the definiteness effect are predicted by our analysis; we show that they involve definite noun phrases which can bear focus, which allows them to be part of a fronted verbal constituent. Finally, building on the integrated grammatical architecture provided in De Kuthy (2002), we formulate an HPSG theory which captures the interaction of constraints from syntax, information structure and intonation.

scholarly journals Word order preferences of Tagalog-speaking adults and children

2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rowena Garcia ◽  
Jeruen E. Dery ◽  
Jens Roeser ◽  
Barbara Höhle
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Close Link ◽  
Patient Voice ◽  
Initial Preference ◽  
Order Preference ◽  
Adults And Children ◽  
The Subject

This article investigates the word order preferences of Tagalog-speaking adults and five- and seven-year-old children. The participants were asked to complete sentences to describe pictures depicting actions between two animate entities. Adults preferred agent-initial constructions in the patient voice but not in the agent voice, while the children produced mainly agent-initial constructions regardless of voice. This agent-initial preference, despite the lack of a close link between the agent and the subject in Tagalog, shows that this word order preference is not merely syntactically-driven (subject-initial preference). Additionally, the children’s agent-initial preference in the agent voice, contrary to the adults’ lack of preference, shows that children do not respect the subject-last principle of ordering Tagalog full noun phrases. These results suggest that language-specific optional features like a subject-last principle take longer to be acquired.

Adjectival modification in Truku Seediq

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 602-633
Author(s):  
Claire Saillard
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
Semantic Analysis ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Elicitation Method ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Syntactic Constraint ◽  
The Right ◽  
Nominal Position

Abstract This paper investigates the position of adjectives in noun phrases in Truku Seediq, proposing that the two documented positions correspond to different semantics as well as a difference in syntax. While post-nominal adjectives, corresponding to basic word-order in Truku Seediq, may be either restrictive or descriptive, pre-nominal adjectives, seen as an innovation, are semantically restrictive. This paper also argues for a difference in syntactic structure for both kinds of adjectives, restrictive adjectives heading their own projection while descriptive adjectives are bare adjectives standing in a closer relationship to the modified noun. This paper further identifies a syntactic constraint for pre-nominal adjectival placement that applies regardless of restrictivity of the modifier, namely the presence of a possessive clitic to the right of the modified noun. Data collection is achieved through both a traditional elicitation method and an experimental task-based method. Data are further digitalized in order to ensure systematic searchability. The data thus collected are apt to support semantic analysis as well as an investigation of age-group-related variation. It is claimed that language contact with Mandarin Chinese may be one of the triggering factors for the development of a pre-nominal position for modifying adjectives in Truku Seediq.

scholarly journals Syntactic structure of absolute construction and the connection between its main components in the Udmurt language

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-135
Author(s):  
Nadezhda N. Timerkhanova
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Continuous Sampling ◽  
Linguistic Term ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Main Components ◽  
Colloquial Speech ◽  
Descriptive Method

Introduction. In the Udmurt language, bisubjective sentences with absolute polypredicative constructions are very productive. The main components of such constructions are expressed by the noun in the nominative case and the gerundium adverbial or gerundium noun, which are connected by a specific connection. The purpose of this article is to establish the syntactic features of polypredicative constructions. Research objectives are to describe the syntactic structure of such constructions, to establish the type of syntactic connection between the main components within the absolute constructions and to show its difference from the types of syntactic connection traditionally distinguished in the sentence. Materials and Methods. The main source of the research was the materials from the Udmurt literature and colloquial speech. The author used a set of such research methods as: descriptive method, continuous sampling, contextual analysis, linguistic modeling and transformation. The use of these methods allowed considering the specifics of the units under consideration on a specific language material. Results and Discussion. In the system of the Udmurt language, absolute polypredicative constructions are widely represented. Namely, gerundium adverbial constructions and gerundium noun constructions that have their own subject of action, which are different from the subject of action of the main part of the sentence – the subject, which is associated with the predicate. The syntactic connection between the subject and the gerundium adverbial part (gerundium noun) is specific, not predicative and not subordinate; it has not yet been designated with the help of a linguistic term in Udmurt linguistics. Such constructions have a fixed word order. In verbs with the gerundium adverbial part on the suffix -sa, there can be no autonomous subject of action, the subject is always the same for the verb-predicate and the gerundium adverbial part. Conclusion. In the Udmurt language, there are bisubjective constructions with the second subject of action in the nominative case, which claims to be the subject in a polypredicative construction with the main word being a gerundium adverbial or gerundium noun. The syntactic connection between the main components within an absolute constructions differs from the types of syntactic relationship traditionally distinguished in a sentence. This connection can be described as “semi-predictive coordination” or “subpredicative coordination”.

scholarly journals The Problem of Word Order and Verbal Movement in Moroccan Arabic

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 34-54
Author(s):  
Inass Announi
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Moroccan Arabic ◽  
New Information ◽  
Cyclic Movement ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Minimalist Framework

This paper attempts to investigate word order and verbal movement in Moroccan Arabic in the Minimalist framework. We observe that the unmarked word order in MA is SVO while the derived structure is VSO. SVO follows an English-like derivation where the subject moves from [Spec, vP] to [Spec, TP] whilst the verb moves from v to T. This paper raises the issue of the verbal movement when it comes to VSO order in languages that have VSO as the derived order and SVO as the underlying order. To derive VSO, we propose that the verb moves from T to Focus based on pragmatic reasons: verbs positioned in the left-periphery denote new information that is focused compared to SVO. We also test our new proposal against the marginal word orders OSV and OVS and propose that object topicalization is the result of the object moving to [Spec, TopicP] which dominates FocusP. Moreover, we go back to the issue of verbal movement and trace the verbal cyclic movement. We argue that the verb moves from V to v based on the position of the adverb. The verb further moves to T based on the quantifier evidence and feature checking: Focus and T form a complex and probe into v to check [TNS] and [V] features. Moreover, T-to-Focus occurs in wh-constructions except when /lli/ ‘that’ is present. In WH-VO (WH as a wh-subject), the verb stays in T while the wh-subject stays in [Spec, TP]. If /lli/ ‘that’ is present, then the wh-subject is forced to move further to [Spec, FocusP]. In WH-SV, the wh-elements move to [Spec, FocusP] while the subject moves to [Spec, TopicP] and the verb moves to Topic. In WH-VS, the wh-elements move to [Spec, FocusP] while the verb moves to Focus.

Differential object marking in Hungarian

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Bárány
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Main Claim ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Third Person ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Semantic Properties ◽  
Main Factor

This chapter provides an overview of differential object agreement in Hungarian. Finite verbs in Hungarian always agree with the subject in person and number, and sometimes agree with the object. Generally, the trigger of object agreement is argued to be related to definiteness. It is argued that while both syntactic and semantic properties are relevant for determining object agreement, the syntactic structure of the object is the main factor: objects have to be DPs to agree, and can sometimes even be indefinite. The focus is on lexical, third person noun phrases, including common nouns and proper names, and modifiers like numerals, different types of quantifiers. The main claim is that objects that trigger agreement have a person feature, which makes them referential, but objects that do not trigger agreement lack person features.

scholarly journals Frá skiptisögn til ósamhverfrar aukafallssagnar: Um 'líka' í fornu máli

Orð og tunga ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Einar Freyr Sigurðsson ◽  
Heimir van der Feest Viðarsson
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
Old Icelandic ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
The Subject

In Modern Icelandic the verb líka ‘like’ occurs with a subject in the dative case and an object in the nominative case. It has been argued that this was also the case in Old Icelandic. In this paper we argue that in contrast to Modern Icelandic, the nominative argument of líka could also constitute the subject during the Old Icelandic period and the dative argument the object. More specifically, we maintain that the verb líka was an alternating (or symmetric) verb where the nominative and the dative argument could raise to the subject position, whereas in Modern Icelandic only the dative is able to raise to the subject position. In other words, we argue that a change in the argument structure of the verb has taken place such that líka has changed from being an alternating (symmetric) verb to an asymmetric oblique subject verb. The main argument that is used to substantiate this claim comes from control infinitives in Old Icelandic, taking on the form in (i): (i) girntiz meirr at líka einum guði en mönnum desired.mid more to PRO.nom like.inf alone.dat god.dat than men.dat ‘(He) desired more to please God alone than men.’ (Æv 150.15) Based on a generative analysis of syntactic structure, we present evidence that reveals that the dative argument functions syntactically as the object, in addition to discussing other potential evidence based on word order. When the nominative argument is the subject, the meaning of 'líka' is sometimes closer to that of English 'please' than 'like'. We also discuss how this might be accounted for.

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