Foreign and Domestic Factors in the Transformation of Frelimo

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Simpson

This article examines the trajectory of the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), currently the ruling party in Mozambique, focusing on the complex interplay between various factors which contributed to the metamorphoses it has undergone since its founding in 1962. Recent work in the field of international relations and historical sociology has thrown light on the rôle of the state as an administrative-coercive entity constantly cross-pressured by domestic and foreign forces, and acting simultaneously on both fronts in pursuit of advantage. While this scholarship has not focused on ruling parties per se, it is arguable that the standard government versus state dichotomy is of limited analytical value in cases such as Mozambique, where the distinction between party and state remained in practice, until recently, a constitutional nicety. When the ruling party has been institutionalised to the extent of Frelimo, and where the state has become almost an extension of the party, it is the latter that is the key variable in any explanation of political and economic change within society.

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syahrul Salam, Adi Rio Arianto, Rizky Hikmawan

<p><strong>Abstrak – </strong>Kemajuan teknologi, khususnya dibidang informasi, transportasi, dan sains, telah<strong> </strong>menciptakan evolusi peran negara sebagai aktor Hubungan Internasional (HI). Negara harus berbagi peran dengan aktor HI lainnya, seperti: organisasi internasional (OI), organisasi pemerintah/ non-pemerintah (IGOs/NGOs), kelompok epistemik, perusahaan multinasional (MNCs), dan individu. Pergeseran peran negara dalam usaha membela negara mengubah warna disiplin ilmu HI, yaitu pendekatannya. Kajian ini mendalami pergeseran peran negara dan implikasinya bagi sudut pandang HI, serta mengkaji evolusi lingkungan strategis. Hasil studi menemukan bahwa selain negara, universitas adalah salah satu calon aktor HI. Hal ini diidentifikasi melalui empat aspek berikut, yaitu: (1) aspek bela negara menuntut peran sentral (mayor) dan peran sektoral (minor) negara sebagai subyek HI dimana negara berbagi peran dengan Universitas, (2) aspek bela negara mempengaruhi pendekatan Realisme dengan perilaku anarkisnya bergeser ke pendekatan alternatif: Horizontalisme dengan perilaku gotong-royongnya, (3) aspek bela negara menuntut perubahan lingkungan strategis dari Era Global (Globalisasi) ke Era Horizontal (Horizontalisasi) atau dengan istilah “Globalinium”, dan (4) aspek bela negara menjadi krusial saat disandingkan dengan kepentingan nasional di pentas Internasional.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci : </strong>bela negara, hubungan internasional, era horizontal, globalinium, negara, universitas</p><p><strong><em>Abstract – </em></strong><em>The development of technological in the fields of information, transportation, and science,<strong> </strong>have created the evolution of the role of the state as an actor of International Relations (IRs). States should share roles with other IRs actors, such as international organizations (IO), government/ non-governmental organizations (IGOs / NGOs), epistemic groups, multinational corporations (MNCs), and individuals. The shifting role of the state in the effort to defend a state changed the color of the discipline of IRs, particularly in its approach. This study explores the shifting role of the state and its implications to IRs paradigm, and examines the evolution of the strategic environment. The results found that beside the “state”, the “university” can be one of the IRs actors. This is identified through the following four aspects: (1) the state defense aspect demands the major role and the minor role of the state as the subject of IRs in which the State shares its role with the university, (2) the state defense aspect affects the Realism approach with the anarchy shifts to alternative approaches: Horizontalism </em><em>with its “gotong-royong”, (3) the state defending aspect demands a strategic environmental change from the Global Era (Globalization) to the Horizontal Era (Horizontalization) or with the term “Globalinium”, and (4) the state defending aspect were crucial when it juxtaposed with national interests on the international stage.</em></p><p><em><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>state defending, international relations, horizontal era, globalinium, state, university</em></em></p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-605
Author(s):  
Paul S. Rowe

AbstractAn increasing concern for the place of religion in global politics in the past decade is reflected in the work of William Cavanaugh, a political theologian coming from the radical orthodox movement of the Roman Catholic tradition. Taking aim at key tropes in international relations, Cavanaugh introduces a strong critique of the legitimacy of the state and against its martial attitude. This review questions the historicity and generalizability of Cavanaugh's analysis. It also challenges Cavanaugh's exaltation of the church from both an internal and external perspective. Finally, it considers the expanded role of the state as compared to Cavanaugh's vision of the martial state. By way of conclusion, it questions the extent to which Cavanaugh provides an alternative to consigning religious groups to civil society or a workable role for Christian engagement with global politics, even though he provides us with a strong critique of the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Bhatasara ◽  
Kirk Helliker

There has been significant debate about the land occupations which occurred from the year 2000 in Zimbabwe, with a key controversy concerning the role of the state and ruling party (or party-state) in the occupations. This controversy, deriving from two grand narratives about the occupations, remains unresolved. A burgeoning literature exists on the Zimbabwean state’s fast-track land reform programme, which arose in the context of the occupations, but this literature is concerned mainly with post-occupation developments on fast-track farms. This article seeks to contribute to resolving the controversy surrounding the party-state and the land occupations by examining the occupations in the Shamva District of Mashonaland Central Province. The fieldwork for our Shamva study focused exclusively on the land occupations (and not on the fast-track farms) and was undertaken in May 2015. We conclude from our Shamva study that involvement by the party-state did not take on an institutionalised form but was of a personalised character entailing interventions by specific party and state actors.


1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
Vicki L. Hesli ◽  
William M. Reisinger

Using survey data collected in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuanian in 1990–92, we reexamine findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992). Our analysis indicates a significant link between political and economic reform orientations. Individuals who prefer political reforms of a democratic nature also favor a decreased role of the state in guaranteeing social well-being. In addition, our finding that better-educated Soviet and post-Soviet citizens are more likely than the less-well-educated to prefer individual responsibility for well-being is in direct contradiction to the findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz. The differences in the two sets of conclusions give rise to very different substantive conclusions regarding the economic and political changes now occurring in these societies.


Sociology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Molly Clever

The sociology of war is a subfield of sociology that focuses on the macro-level patterns of war making, how societies engage in warfare, the meaning that war has in society, and the relationship between state structure and war making. A related subfield is military sociology, which focuses more explicitly on the organization and functioning of military forces and civil- military relations. These lines of scholarship are bound together by the basic premise that understanding war necessitates understanding those who fight it, and vice versa. The sociology of war overlaps with other fields that share an interest in government and politics, such as military history, political sociology, political science, and international relations. However, these fields tend to be concerned primarily with how wars begin and end, whereas the sociology of war tends to focus more explicitly on the cultural and social implications of war and how war and society act and react upon each other. With a few notable exceptions, the sociology of war remained mostly isolated within the field of comparative historical sociology until the 1980s, when two trends opened the door for an interdisciplinary sociology of war. The first was the dissipation of a war taboo, widespread in American academia and connected to the social resistance against the Vietnam War throughout the 1960s and 1970s. A renewed interest in the social implications of war also occurred as the end of the Cold War raised new questions about the role of the state in war making and the future of warfare. Renewed interdisciplinary interest in the origins of the modern nation-state led to a reexamination of the role that warfare played in the emergence and spread of the state system. In the decade after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2011 the sociology of war focused extensively on questions related to the role of nonstate combatant groups, the apparent increase in asymmetrical war in the post–Cold War era, and the meaning that such transformations in war making may carry for the societies that wage them. As the Global War on Terror nears the end of its second decade, scholars have increasingly turned their attention to understanding the interactions between state and society as the lines between peacetime and wartime become less distinguishable. Most recently, the sociology of war has exhibited a broadening in scope, with greater emphasis on examining how war is situated within larger patterns of social violence.


Asian Survey ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 22 (9) ◽  
pp. 823-842 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. B. Vermeer

1994 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Samuel Barkin ◽  
Bruce Cronin

The international relations literature regularly embraces sovereignty as the primary constitutive rule of international organization. Theoretical traditions that agree on little else all seem to concur that the defining feature of the modern international system is the division of the world into sovereign states. Despite differences over the role of the state in international affairs, most scholars would accept John Ruggie's definition of sovereignty as “the institutionalization of public authority within mutually exclusive jurisdictional domains.” Regardless of the theoretical approach however, the concept tends to be viewed as a static, fixed concept: a set of ideas that underlies international relations but is not changed along with them. Moreover, the essence of sovereignty is rarely defined; while legitimate authority and territoriality are the key concepts in understanding sovereignty, international relations scholars rarely examine how definitions of populations and territories change through-out history and how this change alters the notion of legitimate authority.


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