Neutrality and the Emergence of the Concept of Neutralism

1960 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lyon

Recently, Mr. Nehru, in one of his more censorious moods, complained of the manner in which words lose their meaning in cold war terminology. Such a complaint might well have provoked the reply that Mr. Nehru is as much a sinner as sinned against, and that the varying descriptions of India's foreign policy display a degree of slipperiness equal with that of “free world,” “peace,” and “democracy” — the “masked words” he mentioned. Ironically, it was the cold war which engendered the connotations that have given neutralism its chameleon cloak. And while popular usage readily applies the term to India, Indian spokesmen provide implicit support for the firm contention of those who insist that neutralism is essentially “a subjective term.” No doubt Indian equivocation, which is far from unique, is easily explicable. For a language attuned to the compulsions and contingencies of political life is often unavoidably ambiguous; and the political “isms,” which so proliferate today, seem to act as semantic vortices, blurring and engrossing the meaning of words of more ancient lineage.

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 542-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Campbell F. Scribner

The following article documents the expansion of high school exchange programs during the Cold War. It also examines the potential conflicts underlying that expansion, which relied on preexisting networks of government agencies and private philanthropies and sometimes conflated the rhetoric of world peace with a narrower pursuit of American interests. Ultimately, the article contends, experiences abroad prompted teenagers to criticize American foreign policy and to reform their sponsoring organizations along increasingly multilateral, anti-colonial, and socially conscious lines.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 734-745
Author(s):  
Nattanop Palahan ◽  
Ludmila P. Gromova

This article deals with features of Soviet propaganda activities in the Cold War period in Thailand. After abrupt changes of the former allies foreign policy, the Soviet Union after the Great Patriotic War dramatically reviewed and corrected its international propaganda work concept. The main role of this new confrontation between ideological camps belonged to the media, which were aimed at international audience, and systematically implemented their state policy on the informational and psychological front. From the USSR side, this role was fulfilled by the Soviet Information Bureau (Sovinformburo, later - Novosty Press Agensy, APN). After the Second World War the USSR began influencing the foreign policy of Thailand. This kind of work was organized in the condition of Thai anticommunist propaganda. In the article the implementation process of Soviet propaganda activities and features of the Soviet propaganda in complicated circumstances in Thailand and its neighbors, based on archive materials, is considered. During this research also analyzed the reports of local office of Sovinformburo (APN) in Thailand; activities of the Soviet media, featured in the local Soviet media publications in Thailand such as the local version of the Soviet Union magazine, pamphlets of Sovinformburo (APN); legal documents from the Soviet side (resolutions of the USSRs Peoples Commissars related to the foreign propaganda activities), and from Thailand side (acts, resolutions and transcripts of the Royal Thai Governments meetings). The academic works related to Soviet propaganda activities in Russian, Thai and English languages are studied. It is found out that innovations and strategies of the Soviet propaganda and counterpropaganda changed along with the development of diplomatic relations with Thailand. Regime changes and domestic policy development significantly affected the work of Sovinformburo (APN.) In the conclusion, the implementation of Soviet propaganda in Thailand depended on both domestic and international factors, impacting the position of Thailand on the international arena and the stability of the authority. Implementation of Soviet propaganda in various periods took place along the complicated condition of political life in Thailand and ideological confrontation of these political systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Muhammad Almas ◽  
Gulzar Ahmad ◽  
Muhammad Khurshid

Relations between Turkey and Pakistan always remained decent and friendly. The mutual sympathies between both countries cannot be described in any other way except the cultural heritage. Both countries have helped each other whenever they needed it in the field of foreign policy. It has cooperated between Ankara and Islamabad that they may raise a hand of cooperation in different affairs like foreign policy and security. They have supported each other as well as defended each others interests, most specifically in the international arena. Since the time of the cold war, both countries, Pakistan and Turkey, have shared their approach, especially on Cypress and Kashmir issues. In this document, an attempt was made to discuss the political and economic relations between Turkey and Pakistan and the nature of relations from 1947 to 2013. Suggestions for improving relations between the two Islamic republics were also made.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-460
Author(s):  
Tuan Binh Nguyen ◽  
◽  
Xuan Hiep Tran ◽  
Hoang Long Tran ◽  
Minh Hung Vo ◽  
...  

India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share a border of nearly 1500 kilometers and have a relationship based on history, politics, culture, and ethnicity from over 2000 years to the present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar after the Southeast Asian country gained independence in 1948. Since 1992, the implementation of India’s Look East Policy in addition to the strategic importance of Myanmar as a neighbor created a catalyst for new development in relations between the two countries. India — Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and strained status (1962–1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992–2014. Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948–1991) that were not only in the political sphere. There was a complete development in many aspects (politics — diplomacy, economy, security — defense, etc.) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. This article focuses on analyzing the adjustment of India’s foreign policy, especially the implementation of the Look East Policy and the “Act East” strategy, and the impact of this adjustment for the development of India — Myanmar relations during 1992–2014.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.


Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.


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