Some Aspects of the Phonology of the Norminal Forms of the Turkish Word

1956 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 578-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naralie Waterson

The relations within the suffixed forms of the Turkish word havt hitherto been treated as a series of unconnected statements as a result of the phonological and grammatical levels of analysis being made in phonemic terms. ‘Vowel Harmony’, which implies a separating out of the vowels from the rest of the word structure, ‘Consonant Alternance’, and ‘variant’ forms with the implication of consonants ‘changing’ from one form to another, all these are statements not related to the structure of the word, and bring in their train some irregularities in the grammatical statement where none need arise.

Author(s):  
Jan-Olof Svantesson

This chapter gives an introduction to the basic structures of Khalkha Mongolian, most of which are similar to those of Mongolian proper in general. Segmental phonology (vowels and consonants) and word structure are analyzed. Major changes from earlier stages of the language are described briefly, as is the writing system, based on the Cyrillic alphabet. Vowel harmony, based on pharyngeality (ATR) and rounding, has several interesting properties, including the opacity of high rounded vowels to rounding harmony. There is a rich derivational and inflectional morphology based on suffixes. Basic syntactic structures, including word order and case marking of arguments in simple and complex clauses, are described, as are the functions of different verb forms (finite verbs, converbs, and participles). The description emphasizes the central place of Mongolian proper in the typology of the Transeurasian languages.


1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
John Victor Singler

Klao, a Kru language spoken in Liberia, has a nine-vowel system. Like most other Kru languages, it displays harmony sensitive to pharyngeal constriction (tongue-root retraction). What gives the Klao vowel-harmony system special interest is the fact that a great deal of variation occurs, suggesting that vowel harmony is in some way optional. This provides a counter-example to the claim (made in Clements [1977l) that root-controlled vowel harmony is always obligatory. Given this optionality, the question arises as to which model best captures the facts of Klao vowel harmony. 'l,w frameworks are considered: one, along the lines of Anderson [1930], treats vowel harmony as one more assimilation rule, and the other, following the model found in Clements [1981] handles vowel harmony autosegmentally.


1984 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
George N. Clements

Stewart [1983] presents a new framework for the analysis of Akan vowel harmony in which Word Structure Conditions (WSCs) are introduced to account for word-level phonotactic regularities. It is shown here that the WSCs, rather than simplifying the analysis of Akan, impose unnecessary complexity on it, requiring us to restate the unitary process of vowel harmony as a number of formally unrelated rules. It is concluded that with one further modification, the analysis of Clements [1981] can be maintained.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-77
Author(s):  
Ian G. Barrere ◽  
Juha A. Janhunen

Abstract The paper discusses the controversy that has arisen concerning the origin and nature of vowel harmony in Mongolian, as well as in a number of other Eurasian languages. In contrast to the conventional understanding according to which Proto-Mongolic had a palatal-velar harmony of the same type as is attested in the Turkic and Uralic languages, it has been claimed recently that the harmony was actually of the tongue root type, involving, in particular, tongue root retraction in the pronunciation of certain vowels. However, while tongue root harmony is indeed prevalent in many modern Mongolic languages, including standard Mongolian, there are several arguments that can be made in support of the conventional reconstruction. There are serious reasons to assume that Mongolic has undergone a process of vowel rotation, which has turned the originally palatal-velar harmony to tongue root harmony. In this process the originally horizontally organized harmonic pairs have become verticalized. A typical result of the verticalization has been the rapid reduction of the original vowel paradigm as well as the development of new palatal vowels to complement the losses.


2010 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard L. Michalski

AbstractTo refine our understanding of grandparental investment and its consequences, we need to understand what grandparents do for their grandchildren. Knowing the landscape of grandparental investment will facilitate a better understanding of the impact of grandparental investment on grandchildren and will allow inroads to be made in bridging the different levels of analysis.


1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-140
Author(s):  
John M. Stewart
Keyword(s):  

Clements, in an account of Akan vowel harmony [1981b], has a separate autosegmental tier for the harmonic feature category [Advanced Tongue Root]. He claims to demonstrate the superiority of his autosegmental framework over the segmental framework adopted in an earlier account of Akan vowel harmony by ScLachter and Fromkin [1968], namely that of Stanley [1967] and CLomsky and Halle [1968]. However, although the segmental framework in question is indeed unsatisfactory in certain respects as it stands, it can be readily modified to meet Clement's objections without recourse to the autosegmentalization of the harmonic feature category.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moges Yigezu

Hamar is a member of the Aroid group of languages spoken by around 46,000 individuals (CSA 2008). The Hamar live in the plain lands of the semi-desert region of the rift valley in the south western corner of Ethiopia, in the South Omo Zone of the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR). Their subsistence can be characterized as a mixture of pastoralism and shifting agriculture. The earliest attempts at describing the language were made available through the publications of Conti Rossini (1927) and Da Trento (1941), who provided a few comparative lists of words and grammatical sketches. Over the last few decades, however, some progress has been made in describing aspects of the structure of the language, and these include: Lydall (1976, 1988, 2000), Mary (1987), Getahun (1991), Cupi et al (2013), Binyam & Moges (2014), and Moges & Binyam (2015). Only Lydall (1976), Mary (1987) and Moges & Binyam (2015) briefly described the phonology, the latter with the aim of designing an orthography for the envisaged mother tongue education in the Hamar language. This contribution is a follow up to these previous efforts and it tries to describe aspects of the morphophonology of Hamar. In doing so, the paper gives a concise summary of the sound pattern of the language, focusing on the syllable structure, phonotactic constraints and word structure conditions that regulate the morphophonemic alternations. Three processes are found to be wide-spread in the morphophonology of the language: the spreading of nasality, the spreading of place of articulation and the spreading of manner of articulation. While nasality spreads from right to left, the spreading of place and manner features takes place from left to right.


1985 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Goldsmith

The discussion of vowel harmony in this paper continues the theoretical discussion that was sparked by Clements' first proposals concerning an autosegmental treatment of vowel harmony in general (1980 [1976]). I will attempt to show that problems that arose in early autosegmental treatments of certain types of vowel harmony can be elegantly overcome and that autosegmental theory more generally provides an attractive framework for the treatment of vowel systems and vowel harmony. I will discuss three distinct types of systems here: the slightly asymmetrical system of Khalkha Mongolian, the canonical five-vowel system as it can be seen in Bantu (Yaka, in this case), and the well-known Finnish/Hungarian type of system. The kinds of advances made here answer, I believe, the critical comments made in Anderson (1980), in which significant sceptical questions are raised concerning whether the successes of autosegmental accounts of West African systems can be extended to other types of vowel harmony systems.


1966 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 118-119
Author(s):  
Th. Schmidt-Kaler

I should like to give you a very condensed progress report on some spectrophotometric measurements of objective-prism spectra made in collaboration with H. Leicher at Bonn. The procedure used is almost completely automatic. The measurements are made with the help of a semi-automatic fully digitized registering microphotometer constructed by Hög-Hamburg. The reductions are carried out with the aid of a number of interconnected programmes written for the computer IBM 7090, beginning with the output of the photometer in the form of punched cards and ending with the printing-out of the final two-dimensional classifications.


Author(s):  
J. Temple Black ◽  
William G. Boldosser

Ultramicrotomy produces plastic deformation in the surfaces of microtomed TEM specimens which can not generally be observed unless special preparations are made. In this study, a typical biological composite of tissue (infundibular thoracic attachment) infiltrated in the normal manner with an embedding epoxy resin (Epon 812 in a 60/40 mixture) was microtomed with glass and diamond knives, both with 45 degree body angle. Sectioning was done in Portor Blum Mt-2 and Mt-1 microtomes. Sections were collected on formvar coated grids so that both the top side and the bottom side of the sections could be examined. Sections were then placed in a vacuum evaporator and self-shadowed with carbon. Some were chromium shadowed at a 30 degree angle. The sections were then examined in a Phillips 300 TEM at 60kv.Carbon coating (C) or carbon coating with chrom shadowing (C-Ch) makes in effect, single stage replicas of the surfaces of the sections and thus allows the damage in the surfaces to be observable in the TEM. Figure 1 (see key to figures) shows the bottom side of a diamond knife section, carbon self-shadowed and chrom shadowed perpendicular to the cutting direction. Very fine knife marks and surface damage can be observed.


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