Privatisation and New Modes of State Intervention: The Long-Term Care Programme in Israel

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIMI AJZENSTADT ◽  
ZEEV ROSENHEK

This article analyses the formulation and implementation of a relatively new statutory programme of care services for dependent elderly people in Israel, which has as a basic characteristic the supply of services by non-state agencies. The analysis serves as a basis for an exploration of the effects of privatisation and the emergence of quasi-markets upon the functioning of the welfare state both as a benefits provider and as a major employer. In contrast to the perspectives that consider privatisation as leading to the weakening of the state in the welfare domain, we argue that through the transfer of services supplied by non-state agencies the state protects itself from demands and pressures from clients, while maintaining its control and regulation capabilities. This process decreases the state's accountability towards its citizens, enhancing in turn its autonomy. Privatisation policies do not imply, therefore, the dissolution of the welfare state, but rather the emergence of a new mode of state intervention.

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 871-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
JIN WOOK KIM ◽  
YOUNG JUN CHOI

ABSTRACTSouth Korea has been experiencing unprecedented socio-economic transformations in which an ageing population is widely regarded as a key challenge. As an unlikely consensus on state intervention in care has emerged since early 2000, South Korea has achieved rapid development of welfare state programmes. The introduction of long-term care insurance (LTCI) in 2008 is one of the important steps. However, it is still highly debatable whether the Korean welfare state has departed from its path of both developmentalism and Confucianism. This paper aims to analyse the nature of LTCI in South Korea and to examine whether its introduction could mean a divergence from these two important policy legacies. This research has reached an ambiguous conclusion. The regulatory role of the government and concerns about the costs of LTCI are regarded as a developmentalist legacy, whereas Confucian legacies seem to be withering away since LTCI shifts care responsibility from the family to the state. However, the study found that the state has difficulty in regulating the market and costs, and deeply embedded familialism seems difficult to overcome.


Author(s):  
Simon Ball

This chapter characterizes the relationship of the British state to war over the long term. It analyses two epistemic turning points for the war–state relationship, one occurring in the 1860s, the other in the 1970s. It explains the importance of war to the British state under the ‘fiscal security’ compromise.The chapter traces the long and uneven emergence of the ‘welfare state’ as a successor to the ‘warfare state’. It argues that the ‘warfare state’ paradigm loses much of its empirical and conceptual force if it were to be extended beyond 1970. The relationship of the state to war changed so fundamentally at that point that history, the chapter suggests, ceased to be a useful guide for future conduct.


1978 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Vobruba

AbstractThe origin of the function of the Welfare State is to be explained as a reaction, firstly, to forceful social claims by the working class and, secondly, to its hereby increasing political weight which the state had to take into account for the sake of its own survival. With the adoption of social obligations, the state in capitalism enters into a specific dependence from the economic system. Since the state is not a producer, it has to acquire the necessary financial means from the economic system to function as a Welfare State. The extraction of financial means from the economic system (especially in the form of taxes) can occur all the more easily, the more smoothly the economic system itself functions. The state is, therefore ‚out of its own interests‘ dependent on the promotion of the economic system. The intervention of the Welfare State affects, on the other hand, the function of the economy. Whilst the Welfare State provides an, at least rudimentary, existence beyond the labour market and occupation, it evades the constraintive situation: wage labour or starvation, to which the non owners of the means of production were subject to under ‚classical‘ conditions, and therefore strenghtens their conflict potential. The corollary of this is that the function of the capitalist crisis to purge wage costs, can no longer unfold itself. Consequently this results in a change of the particular character of capitalist crisis and in a development, which in its tendency burdens the state with ever increasing social problems, to be solved, without enableing the state to sufficiently expand its financial margin.


1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Hume

Within the last twenty years, historians' views about the significance of ‘Benthamism’ for the development of British government in the nineteenth century have fluctuated pretty widely. In 1948 J. B. Brebner set decisively in motion a movement away from the interpretation, stated in classic but curiously ambivalent form by A. V. Dicey, which made Bentham the philosopher and advocate of an allegedly dominant policy of laissez faire or ‘individualism’. Brebner attacked both legs of Dicey's argument, contending that in the years 1825–70 (which Dicey had identified as the period of individualism) the scale and variety of State intervention were extensive, and that the State intervention of the time ‘in practically all of its many forms was basically Benthamite—Benthamite in the sense of conforming closely to that forbidding, detailed blueprint for a collectivist state, the Constitutional Code’. More recently, some specialists in nineteenth-century administrative history have accepted, and have in some directions extended, one side of Brebner's thesis, but have cast doubt on the other side. Thus, reinforcing Brebner's interpretation of Victorian policy-making, David Roberts has located ‘the origins of the welfare state’ in the period 1832–54, and Oliver MacDonagh has argued that in ‘the middle quarters of the nineteenth-century…(contrary to all expectation and desire) the collectivist system of the present day began to take its shape’. But in developing their themes Roberts and MacDonagh have tended to attach little importance to what Dicey called ‘opinion’—consciously formulated and coherently worked-out beliefs or programmes—and to stress instead the pragmatic responses of politicians and administrators to problems and events.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Giraud ◽  
Barbara Lucas ◽  
Katrin Falk ◽  
Susanne Kümpers ◽  
Arnaud Lechevalier

This article assesses how social innovations in the field of local domiciliary long-term care are shaped and implemented. It proposes a mapping of innovations in terms of two structuring discourses that inform welfare state reforms: a libertarian and a neo-liberal discourse. It then provides an analysis of the concrete trajectories of three local innovations for elderly people in Hamburg (Germany), Edinburgh (Scotland) and Geneva (Switzerland). Theoretically, social innovation is considered as a discursive process of public problem redefinition and institutionalisation. New coalitions of new actors are formed along this double process, and these transform the original discourse of innovation. The comparative analysis of the three processes of institutionalisation of local innovation shows that, in the context of local policy making, social innovations inspired by a libertarian critique of the welfare state undergo differentiated processes of normalisation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-187
Author(s):  
Katrin Hohmeyer ◽  
Eva Kopf

AbstractIn many countries, population ageing is challenging the viability of the welfare state and generating higher demands for long-term care. At the same time, increasing participation in the labour force is essential to ensuring the sustainability of the welfare state. To address the latter issue, affected countries have adopted measures to increase employment; e.g. welfare recipients in Germany are required to be available for any type of legal work. However, 7 per cent of welfare benefit recipients in Germany provide long-term care for relatives or friends, and this care-giving may interfere with their job search efforts and decrease their employment opportunities. Our paper provides evidence of the relationship between the care responsibilities and employment chances of welfare recipients in Germany. Our analyses are based on survey data obtained from the panel study ‘Labour Market and Social Security’ and on panel regression methods. The results reveal a negative relationship between intensive care-giving (ten or more hours per week) and employment for male and female welfare recipients. However, employment prospects recover when care duties end and are subsequently no longer lower for carers than for non-carers.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 755-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCESCA DEGIULI

ABSTRACTIn recent years in Italy, population ageing, rising female labour-market participation, and the restructuring of the welfare state have combined to create increased demand for long-term care services for frail and dependent older people. The rising demand has increasingly been met by immigrant women of different nationalities, and to a lesser extent immigrant men, who are hired to provide individualised care in people's own homes and other private settings. While there have been many studies of this growing phenomenon, very little attention has been paid to the reasons that bring family care-givers to choose this care-support option. To begin to fill the gap, this paper reports the finding of a qualitative study of 26 family members who were caring for a disabled elder. Semi-structured interviews lasting between 60 and 100 minutes and that covered various aspects of long-term care in family households were conducted. The participants' responses indicate that they did not choose immigrant home eldercare assistants solely for economic reasons but also to be consistent with cultural, moral and traditional understandings of family responsibilities and care. They also provide valuable findings and insights into Italian attitudes towards the welfare state and the care-labour market. While the wealthiest respondent declared a clear predilection for the free-market and a desire to bypass the state, the majority of the respondents advocated a stronger role of the welfare state in helping people cope with the increased burden of long-term care.


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