The Garrisoning of Mesopotamia in the Late Antonine and Early Severan Period

Antichthon ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 57-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.L. Kennedy

The garrison of Mesopotamia in the later second century is unknown. What follows, therefore, is inevitably somewhat speculative. Nevertheless, with little likelihood of any foreseeable accretions of much new epigraphic or archaeological evidence, it may not be unproductive to resume such evidence as is available and consider the probabilities by reference to other comparable regions.

Pyrenae ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Romero Vera

In this work we will review briefly the archaeological evidence of public bath buildings dated in the second century belonging to a score of Hispania’s urban centres. On the basis of this documentation, we would like to offer a first approach to the characteristic features of the public thermal buildings of that time in Hispania.


1978 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Heighway

SummaryExcavations at St. Oswald's Priory, Gloucester, showed that the site was occupied in the second century by the Roman municipal tile works which was abandoned by the fourth century. The ruined church which now stands on the site shows two successive building phases pre-dating a Norman arcade; excavation established part of the plan of this late Anglo-Saxon church and also uncovered part of the tenth- to thirteenth-century cemetery. Documentary evidence suggests that this was the ‘new minster’ built by Æthelflæd and Æthelred of Mercia. Taking other historical and archaeological evidence into consideration, Gloucester can be argued to have had, in the late ninth to early tenth century, a special significance for the rulers of Mercia.Specialist reports are offered on the stratified medieval pottery, and on the inscribed bell-mould from the tenth-century church.


Antichthon ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 30-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Noy

Until the second century A.D., the bodies of most people who died at Rome and in the western provinces of the Empire ended up on a funeral pyre, to be reduced to ashes which would be placed in a grave. The practical arrangements for this process have attracted some attention from archaeologists but virtually none from ancient historians. In this paper I shall try to combine literary and archaeological evidence to reconstruct how the pyre was prepared. I hope that this will provide a fuller background than currently exists for understanding the numerous brief references which can be found in Roman literature and the two surviving representations of a pyre (other than an emperor's) in Roman art. Cremation had different traditions in different areas, e.g. as an elite practice in parts of Gaul, even if ultimately it ‘may have been thought of as a sign of allegiance to Rome.’ There clearly were local differences, not just between provinces but between places quite close together, as well as changes over time, but many of the rites of cremation appear to have been similar throughout the Western Roman Empire, illustrating what Morris calls ‘a massive cultural homogenisation of the Roman world at a time when political and economic regionalism was increasing’.


1948 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 601-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. B. Henning

The Sogdian “Ancient Letters”, no doubt one of the most important of Sir Aurel Steins many finds, have been attributed to the middle of the second century of our era, on the strength of archaeological evidence (Serindia, ii, 671 sqq.). Their editor, H. Reichelt, expressed a mild doubt (Die Soghdischen Handschriftenreste des Britischen Museums, ii, p. 6), and so did Pelliot in his review of Reichelts edition (Toung Pao, xxviii, 1931, 457–463). If the date originally proposed by Sir Aurel Stein (between A.D. 105 and 137, or in 153) could be substantiated, the Letters, which are on paper, would have to be regarded as the oldest paper documents in existence.


2001 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 141-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason König

At some time in the second quarter of the second century AD, the controversial sophist–philosopher Favorinus seems to have delivered a speech in Corinth, complaining about the removal of a statue which had previously been erected there in his honour. In doing so he was addressing the inhabitants of a city which occupied an unusual – in many ways unique – position between Greek and Roman identity: Corinth had been sacked by Roman forces in 146 BC, and then refounded as a Roman colony more than one hundred years later, and even in the second century AD it was still sometimes represented as a Roman intrusion within the Greek world, even though it had been strongly influenced by the Greek populations surrounding it in the intervening years. My aim in this article is to examine Favorinus' Corinthian Oration in the light of the cultural ambiguities of its setting. Despite increasing interest in Favorinus in recent years, and despite an increasing volume of archaeological evidence for Corinthian life in the second century, there have been very few detailed readings of the speech's complexities, and even fewer which have recognized the way in which it is crucially anchored within its Corinthian context.


Author(s):  
Roberta Tomber

This chapter looks at the archaeological evidence from several regions for the continuation of Indo-Roman trade during the second century ad. The emphasis here is on the Egyptian evidence, but this chapter also looks briefly at India and Parthia/Palmyra. From India, second-century Roman finds—particularly coins—are outlined, as is the role of Palmyra as middleman to Rome. Although numbers of Roman finds in India are reduced during the second century, two diverse categories of evidence point to the continued importance of this trade: the large value attached to the shipment discussed in the Muziris papyrus, and the continued importance of the Red Sea ports, especially Myos Hormos. The large second-century ceramic assemblages from Myos Hormos suggest that throughout the second century it was more active than Berenike. By the end of the second century trade became more complex with the involvement of the Palmyrenes.


2000 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 367-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Shipley

As part of a wider investigation of landscape change in the late Classical and Hellenistic Peloponnese, this paper reviews the written and archaeological evidence for the Lakedaimonian Perioikoi and the extent of Spartan-dominated territory. While the north-western perioikic poleis were lost mainly in or soon after 369 BC, some survived under Megalopolitan control. The Thyreatis was probably Spartan until 338, but there is no evidence that the southern Parnon coast was removed until the late third or early second century. Of Spartan core territory, Sellasia was lost finally in 222, Geronthrai then or later, but other poleis probably remained Spartan. Those of the Malea and Tainaron peninsulas were probably lost mainly in 195 BC. The resulting catalogue of settlements forming part of the Lakedaimonian state at different dates lays the foundation for further historical studies.


Author(s):  
Edmund Thomas

This chapter explores how public speakers of the second and third centuries ce, accustomed to extravagant physical demonstrations of their art, exploited the architectural spaces where they performed. Theaters, temples, and smaller roofed assembly buildings were all locations for oratorical performances and adapted to achieve stronger oral expression through sharper acoustics. As the demand for public speaking increased, halls were built specially, their materials chosen to enhance the voices of orators. With the vast wealth they accrued from their teaching and public speaking, “sophists” sponsored ambitious building projects, particularly gymnasia, which included spacious auditoria, as from the later second century the palaestra became an intellectual and cultural arena instead of an athletic space. Private houses too had lavishly decorated halls for public speaking, as both literary accounts and archaeological evidence attest. At Rome, the emperors’ projects, not only bath-gymnasia, but the imperial fora, were adapted to similar uses.


2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIMITRIS GRIGOROPOULOS

In 87–86 BCE, the Roman army under L. Cornelius Sulla invaded Attica and, after a long siege, sacked Athens and the Piraeus. In both ancient and modern eyes, Sulla's sack has been seen as a key event, which marked not only the end of Athenian independence but also the beginning of an irreversible decline for its port, the Piraeus, in antiquity. Ancient literary testimonies in the decades following the Sullan sack portray the Piraeus as an urban wasteland, crammed with ruins but devoid of life. Strabo, writing in the Augustan age, notes that the town of his time endured, but had shrunk between the two harbours (the Kantharos and Zea); Pausanias, writing later in the second century CE, mentions a number of monuments but pays more attention to the old, ‘Classical’, town than to the contemporary ‘Roman’ Piraeus. Rescue excavations in the last few decades have provided corroboration for Strabo's remark. Building remains dating to the Classical period (mainly the fourth century BCE) extend over a larger area than those of Roman date, which tend to concentrate on the isthmus between the Kantharos and Zea harbours. Nevertheless, more recent finds and a reconsideration of the available archaeological evidence has shown that settlement clustering around the main harbour did not result from the destruction of the port by Sulla but had started in Hellenistic times and was intensified in the Roman period.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Anderson,

The Maison Carrée is dated to the reign of Augustus primarily from its dedicatory inscription. However, no text of the inscription remains in situ; only clamp holes, without countersunk letter patterns, attest to what letter may have belonged where. The patterns are more or less consistent with the various restorations proposed for them; none is definite, secure, or proven. The dating of the temple cannot be based on such a phantom inscription, which provides no chronological evidence whatsoever, as has also been shown for the arch at Orange and the Roman temple at Vienne. The basic unit of measurement used in the ground plan of the Maison Carrée is the pes Drusianus, otherwise not securely attested prior to the early second century A. D. Use of this measurement module suggests a date at least a century after Augustus's reign. Similar problems arise in analyzing the proportions, Corinthian order, and decoration of the temple; all such problems are resolved or relieved by assigning the temple as we know it to a second-century A. D. restoration. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that a restoration of an Augustan temple at Nîmes during the first half of the second century A. D., possibly in the reign of Hadrian or of Antoninus Pius, with the text of its earlier inscription reset on the façade, may be more consistent with the extant remains of the Maison Carrée.


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