In praedis Iuliae Felicis: the Provenance of some Fragments of Wall-painting in the Museo Nazionale, Naples

1977 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 52-68
Author(s):  
Helen Whitehouse

Among the earliest buildings to be excavated at Pompeii, the large property known as the Villa of Julia Felix, regio II insula 4 no. 3, suffered particularly badly from the depredations of the pioneer explorers of the site. It was subsequently abandoned and re-buried, then excavated again and restored between 1936 and 1953. A complex and interesting structure, it still awaits definitive publication, though the garden triclinium whose painted decoration forms the subject of this article has been examined in detail by Dr. Friedrich Rakob in the Römische Mitteilungen.The house is situated on the right-hand side of the Via dell'Abbondanza leading eastwards out of the city to the Porta di Sarno, and behind it is the amphitheatre. Along the street front is a group of rooms including private living apartments and a large bath, and behind these a long and elaborately laid out garden (see plan, Pl. XVII); on the long right (western) side of this a row of rectangular pillars forms a portico shading a set of rooms backed by a corridor, which communicates with the side-street at the west, and with a further complex of small rooms at the bottom right-hand corner of the garden.

1987 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-94
Author(s):  
J. Bruyn

AbstractOf the nine interpretations proposed for Rembraradt's history Painting of 1626 now at Leiden, none is really convincing. Il seems attractive to think of palamedes Condemned by Agamemncm as the subject because of its political significance in the year after the publication of Voredel's tragecty Palamedcs or Innocence Murdered, which denounced the execution of the Remonstrant leader Johan van Oldenbarnevelt in 1619. γet the scene depicted does not fit any episode frorn the Palamedes story. It appears rather to represent three young men appearing before a crowned figure who makes a pronouncement, probably one of magnanimity or clemency. It is conceivable that the subject was taken from Q. Curtius Rufus's Historiae Alexandri Magni Macedonis, ofwhich several editions, including translations into the vernacular, were published in Holland in the first decades of the 17th century. The episode in question was known to the young Rubens, but does not seem to have been illustrated by any other artist. At the beginning of the seventh book it is described how Alexander summoned before. him in the presence of the army two oj three brothers, who had been close friends of Philotas, a former, friend of his who had been executed for plotting against his life. The youngest brother, Poleinon, had panicked and fled but was caught and brought back at the very moment when Alexander had accused the brothers and the eldest, Amyntas, after having been released from his bonds and given a spear which he held in his left hand, had embarked on his szzccess ful defence. The appearance of Polemon infuriated the soldiers, but when he took the blame on himself and prrifessed his brothers' innocence, they were moved to tears. So too was Alexander who, prompted by their cries, absolved the brothers. This anecdote does at least explain some of the features of Rembrandt's scene. The young man standing on the right with his right hand raised as if swearing an oath would be the eloquent Amyntas with a spear in his left hand. Hidden behind him kneels the second brother, Simias, while Polemon, 'a young man just come to maturity and in the first bloom of his youth', has fallen on one knee in the foreground, underlining his emotional words with his right hand bressed to his heart. Alexander raises his sceptre in token of his absolution and some men in the background wave and shout from a socle they have climbed. Interpreted in this way, the scene coralains not a topical political allegory but, as would seem usual with history paintings, a message of a more general nature: the magnanimity of Alexander as an 'exemblum virtutis'.


2016 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-155
Author(s):  
Erlan Medeubayev

The article deals with the implementation of the complex of political and socio-economic measures of the Soviet state, called the policy of “war communism” in the cities of the Steppes and Turkestan in 1918-1921. Based on materials gleaned from various sources, the author endeavours to explore the processes of socialization and municipalization of private houses and dwellings, the nationalization of private property, which took place in the cities of the KazASSR and tassr; highlight some of the issues related to the subject policy of “war communism” in the cities of Kazakhstan. Various restrictive decrees and orders of the Soviet power in this period, aimed at limiting commodity-money relations and the prohibition of the right to private property put people into a rigid framework of survival. Approved in the sphere of public life, the ideology of “war communism” inevitably left its mark on the life of the city. This ideology was a special sociocultural phenomenon, strengthening other social psychology and ethics which propagandized the need to destroy the old “bourgeois” culture and create a new “proletarian culture”. “War Communism” as opposed to “bourgeois individualism” principles of the socialist community, broske vital foundations of society. A characteristic feature of this period is the legitimization of violence and its use as a universal remedy of solving all problems. Under the pressure of revolutionary changes the sense of justice in society underwent considerable transformation. The right to inviolability of private property was completely ignored. The ruling regime no longer recognized the existing legal mechanisms, replacing them with the amorphous concept of “revolutionary legality.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 107808742110578
Author(s):  
Caleb Althorpe ◽  
Martin Horak

Is the Right to the City (RTTC) still a useful framework for a transformative urban politics? Given recent scholarly criticism of its real-world applications and appropriations, in this paper, we argue that the transformative promise in the RTTC lies beyond its role as a framework for oppositional struggle, and in its normative ends. Building upon Henri Lefebvre's original writing on the subject, we develop a “radical-cooperative” conception of the RTTC. Such a view, which is grounded in the lived experiences of the current city, envisions an urban society in which inhabitants can pursue their material and social needs through self-governed cooperation across social difference. Growing and diversifying spaces and sectors of urban life that are decoupled from global capitalism are, we argue, necessary to create space for this inclusionary politics. While grassroots action is essential to this process, so is multi-scalar support from the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 946-956
Author(s):  
Rani Salsabilla ◽  
Marie Yuni Andari ◽  
Monalisa Nasrul

Congenital cataracts are the leading cause of blindness in children. Lens opacity in early life has the potential to cause permanent visual impairment if not treated promptly. Cataract surgery performed at the right time can prevent children from amblyopia (lazy eye). This study aims to determine the characteristics of congenital cataracts at the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital in the 2018-2019 period. This research uses descriptive method. The data used is secondary data from medical records of congenital cataract patients at the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital in the 2018-2019 period. In the 2018-2019 period, 40 children had congenital cataracts. Most of the cataract sufferers were women (52.5%); living outside the city of Mataram (92.5%) with an age distribution of under 12 months (95%) and the rest over 12 months. For infants under 12 months, 53 percent have been diagnosing at the age of 1-2 months. The characteristics of congenital cataracts found were generally bilateral (52.5%), had standard birth weight (52.5%), history of natural birth delivery (67.5%), and had other extraocular congenital abnormalities (72.5%). Most patients with congenital cataracts in the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital have been diagnosing at a (pretty/moderately) early age of 1-2 months at the beginning of their lives. So, with appropriate and prompt therapy, hoping that it can reduce the risk of amblyopia.


1953 ◽  
Vol 33 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 22-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Webster ◽  
R. H. Dolley ◽  
G. C. Dunning

On 29th November 1950 workmen employed by the Merseyside and North Wales Electricity Board were relaying a cable on the west side of Castle Esplanade, Chester. In cleaning up the western side of the trench with a spade, 18 in. below the present pavement level and 29 ft. to the south of St. Martin's Court, one of the men cut through a small earthenware vessel and a shower of coins and silver bullion poured into the bottom of the trench. It is distressing to record that although the Grosvenor Museum is only 100 yards from the site, the discovery was not reported. No significance was attached to the find; one of the men stated later that they thought they were milk checks. Three of the men put handfuls of coins into their pockets; others were distributed to children near, and the rest shovelled back into the trench. The engineer-in-charge took several to his office for thepurpose of identification, but later forgot about them. One of the men sent some of the coins to Hunter Street Girls' School, by his niece, for identification, and the mistress immediately sent them to the Curator of the Grosvenor Museum.This happened on 10th December, and the Curator at once appreciating the significance of the discovery, set to work to recover as much as possible of the hoard, and reported the matter to the City Coroner. As a result he recovered a hundred coins, twelve ingots of silver, and a fragment of the vessel.


1990 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 379-418 ◽  

Juda Hirsch Quastel, who contributed for more than 60 years to the growth of biochemistry, was born in Sheffield, in a room over his father’s rented sweet shop on the Ecclesall Road. The date was 2 October 1899, and his parents, Jonas and Flora (Itcovitz) Quastel, had lived in England for only a few years. They had emigrated separately from the city of Tamopol in eastern Galicia, which was then within the Austro-Hungarian Empire; it has since, after a period under Polish rule, become part of the Ukrainian Republic of the Soviet Union. Tamopol at the end of the 19th century was a city of some 30 000 and the centre of an agricultural district. Its inhabitants were ethnically mixed, but about half of them were Jews, many of whom under the relatively benevolent Austrian regime were fairly prosperous. Quastel used to recall how his father and grandfather had held the Emperor Franz Joseph in great respect. His grandfather, also Juda Hirsch (married to Yetta Rappoport), had at one time worked as a chemist in a brewery laboratory in Tamopol. The parents of the subject of this biography had been in commerce there, and were not poor; but today’s family members know little about the life of Jonas and Flora in Tamopol, or about the reasons that persuaded them, like many of their neighbours, to emigrate to the West. An uncle had already gone to England, and perhaps had encouraged them to follow because of the greater opportunities. In England they lived at first in London’s east end, where they worked in garment factories; but their move to Sheffield, and to Jonas’s modest entrepreneurship, had been completed in the late 1890s. It was there that Juda Hirsch and his four younger siblings (Charles, Doris, Hetty and Anne) were born.


1882 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 256-263
Author(s):  
W. M. Ramsay

Of the five Phrygian monuments now published from the drawings of Mr. A. C. Blunt, No. 4 on Pl. XXVIII, may be assigned to an early period of Phrygian history. It has been already published by Steuart, Anc. Monum.; but like all his drawings, this is very incorrect and gives an inaccurate idea of the original. The monument is at Yapuldak (see the map in last number of this Journal). There was at this place a town or fortification of some kind on the top of a hill, which rises about 200 feet above the plain. The western side of the hill is a precipice of rock, and on all other sides it is very steep. On the western side an underground staircase cut in the rock leads down to the plain: a similar one at Pishmish Kalessi has already been mentioned above, p. 6. Near this staircase there is a doorway leading into a small rock-chamber, from which another door in the opposite wall leads into a second chamber, larger than the first. At the back of the second chamber a door admits into a third chamber, and in the back of this third chamber there is a door or window which looks out over the precipice to the west. One can step out through this window and stand on a ledge about eighteen inches wide; and this is the only way to get a near view of the carved front which is now given according to Mr. Blunt's drawing and measurements. The architectural work round the door shows the love of ornament characteristic of both Phrygian and Mycenaean art. It does not consist of curved mouldings: the section shows only straight lines. There is a high pediment over the window, the centre of which is occupied by a peculiarly shaped obelisk. This pediment is very like one over the door of a tomb in the side of Pishmish Kalessi, engraved by Perrot, Voy. Archéol. p. 146; but is much more elaborate. On the two sides of the obelisk, arranged in the usual symmetrical fashion, are two animals, on the right side certainly a bull, on the left side probably a horse. The horse is frequently represented on the outside of Phrygian tombs, but I do not know any other case where the bull appears on them.


1957 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 137-145
Author(s):  
J. J. Finkelstein

The four tablets published here were found in room C II, on the western side of the Assyrian acropolis at Sultantepe, during the excavations of the British Institute and the Turkish Department of Antiquities in 1951. Two of these are more or less complete, while two are only fragmentary. It is only in these last two, however, that the dates are preserved; S.U. 51/43 being dated in the eponym of Sharru-nūri, 674 B.C., and S.U. 51/43A in the eponym of Mannu-zīrni, 684 B.C. S.U. 51/36 may have had an eponym date at the end of the first line of the left edge, but that part is now lost. S.U. 51/44, contrary to the usual practice with legal documents, is undated.There is no clear indication from the Sultantepe tablets concerning the name of the site in Assyrian times. Although the city of Ḫuzir(i)na is mentioned in line 36 of 51/36 and in a number of colophons on the literary tablets from Sultantepe, it has already been pointed out by Gurney that Sultantepe, situated about fifteen miles north of Harran, could not be identical with the city of Ḫuzirina, familiar from the Assyrian royal annals, which was situated at a distance of not more than one day's march to the west of Nasibina (Nisibis); in other words, some 130 miles to the east of Sultantepe.


Stasis ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-76
Author(s):  
Georgy Vanunts

A common narrative about the recent reactionary turn in electoral democracies around the world highlights a fundamental lack in the heart of neoliberal rationality — a lack of political/ social in the version of critical theorists and a lack of morals/ traditions in the version of conservative critics. What if this lack is complemented by an excess, an antinomic element, that overdetermines this shift to the right? Following the mainstream version of neoliberal subject — an entrepreneurial self — this study reaches into the genealogy of the ‘entrepreneur’ concept in the theory of Joseph A.Schumpeter, tracing its roots to the conservative dichotomies of Werner Sombart and Friedrich von Wieser. By placing the ‘entrepreneur’ in the framework of Foucault’s theory of two discourses, I draw out the complex relationship between Schumpeterian concept and its analogues in the mainstream neoliberal theory. An outcome of this analysis is the hypotesis of polidiscoursivity: a problem of ‘barbarian subject’ at the gates (or within the city walls) of the Austrian school’s (neo)liberal utopia.


1914 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
W. R. Lethaby

The Square Pedestals.—In some notes on the sculpture from the Artemision at the British Museum, printed in the last volume of this Journal (p. 87), I suggested that the fragment No. 1201 most probably belonged to a relief representing either Herakles in the Garden of the Hesperides or Herakles and the Hydra. Subsequent examination and the attempt to make a restoration from the given data have made me sure that the former was the subject of the sculpture. Only this would account for the quiet action of the left hand of Herakles and for the closely associated female figure. If this were indeed the subject, how could its normal elements be arranged so as to suit the conditions of the square pedestal having a vertical joint in the centre, and making proper use of the existing fragment of which Fig. 1 is a rough sketch? This question I have tried to answer. The fragment is now fixed in the side of a built-up pedestal close to its left-hand angle, but there is nothing which settles this position and it is a practically impossible one, for there is not room left in which to complete the figure of Herakles. If, however, we shift the piece to the right hand half of the pedestal, and sketch in the completion of the two figures, we at once see how perfectly the tree and serpent would occupy the centre of the composition and leave the left-hand space for the two other watching maidens—the whole making a symmetrical group.


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