Catalogue of the Romano-British and Later Metalwork

1987 ◽  
Vol 53 (s1) ◽  
pp. 110-112
Author(s):  
S A Butcher

1 Complete copper alloy bracelet. One end is hooked and would have been caught through the slot on the other flattened end. The decoration of stamped circles and the form of the bracelet can be paralleled on late fourth century examples from Lydney (Wheeler, 1932 fig 17). Interior, Box 95, L1.2 Bracelet of copper alloy. One end is hooked but enough of the other survives to show that it was not flattened as No 1 above. The decoration appears to be formed by a fine wire twisted round the main bar. Spiral patterned bracelets occur throughout the Roman period. Interior, Box 227, L1.

Author(s):  
Manuel Álvarez Martí-Aguilar

This chapter focuses on the connection between Tyre and its colony Gadir via the foundational figure of Melqart and his respective temples in these cities, a relationship which is well-known thanks to historiographical and literary testimonies dating to the Roman period. The chapter also draws a comparison with the case of the other main Tyrian colony of Carthage. This comparison allows us to note, among other things, that the religious and cultural axis which united Gadir with its metropoleis was not restricted to the colonial period itself (ninth–sixth centuries bce) but, rather, continued to actively develop until at least the fourth century bce.


Author(s):  
Isabella Image

This chapter discusses Hilary’s dichotomous body–soul anthropology. Although past scholars have tried to categorize Hilary as ‘Platonic’ or ‘Stoic’, these categories do not fully summarize fourth-century thought, not least because two-way as well as three-way expressions of the human person are also found in Scripture. The influence of Origen is demonstrated with particular reference to the commentary on Ps. 118.73, informed by parallels in Ambrose and the Palestinian Catena. As a result, it is possible to ascribe differences between Hilary’s commentaries to the fact that one is more reliant on Origen than the other. Nevertheless, Hilary’s position always seems to be that the body and soul should be at harmony until the body takes on the spiritual nature of the soul.


Author(s):  
Stephen A. White

Any attempt to trace the origin of Greek philosophy faces two complementary problems. One is the fact that evidence for the early philosophers is woefully meager. The other problem raises a question of what is to be counted as philosophy. Yet neither problem is insuperable. This article proposes to reorient the search for origins in two ways, corresponding to these two problems. First, rather than trying to reconstruct vanished work directly, this article focuses on a crucial stage in its ancient reception, in particular, the efforts by Aristotle and his colleagues in the latter half of the fourth century to collect, analyze, and assess the evidence then available for earlier attempts to understand the natural world. The other shift in focus this article makes is from philosophy to science; or rather, it focuses on evidence for the interplay between observation, measurement, and explanation in the work of three sixth-century Milesians.


Antichthon ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 18-26
Author(s):  
L. Pearson

The First Oration Against Stephanus stands apart from the other speeches delivered by Apollodorus which, though certainly spurious, are included in the Demosthenic corpus. It does not share their amateurish qualities and is commonly regarded as a genuine work of Demosthenes. But admirers of the orator would be happier if it could be proved spurious. It may, for all we know, have been an acceptable practice in the fourth century for Athenian speech-writers to write for both sides, but (like Plutarch) we cannot help thinking the worse of him if he supported Apollodorus in an attack on Phormio, after previously writing a speech for Phormio. The Pro Phormione was delivered in support of a paragraphe to show that Apollodorus had no basis for an action against Phormio. It made such an impression on the jury that they would not even listen to any reply, and Apollodorus now tries to recover himself by bringing an action for false evidence against Stephanum, who had been one of Phormio’s witnesses. Like the other speeches delivered by Apollodorus In Stephanum i seems to have been recognized and accepted by Callimachus in his collection of Demosthenic speeches, and Plutarch takes it to be genuine. Aeschines charges Demosthenes with letting Apollodorus see the speech that he wrote for Phormio, before it was delivered. He regards this an an indication of his lack of integrity, but says nothing about writing for both sides. It has been argued that Demosthenes wrote the speech as a political favour for Apollodorus, who shared his views about the Theoric Fund, but this explanation, though widely accepted by modern scholars, is not supported by any ancient writer.


1938 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Corder ◽  
I. A. Richmond

The Roman Ermine Street, having crossed the Humber on the way to York from Lincoln, leaves Brough Haven on its west side, and the little town of Petuaria to the east. For the first half-mile northwards from the Haven its course is not certainly known: then, followed by the modern road, it runs northwards through South Cave towards Market Weighton. In the area thus traversed by the Roman road burials of the Roman age have already been noted in sufficient quantity to suggest an extensive cemetery. The interment which is the subject of the present note was found on 10th October 1936, when men laying pipes at right angles to the modern road, in the carriage-drive of Mr. J. G. Southam, having cut through some 4 ft. of blown sand, came upon a mass of mixed Roman pottery, dating from the late first to the fourth century A.D. Bones of pig, dog, sheep, and ox were also represented. Presently, at a depth of about 5 ft., something attracted closer attention. A layer of thin limestone slabs was found, covering two human skeletons, one lying a few feet from the west margin of the modern road, the other parallel with the road and some 8 ft. from its edge. The objects described below were found with the second skeleton, and the first to be discovered was submitted by Mr. Southam to Mr. T. Sheppard, F.S.A.Scot., Director of the Hull Museums, who visited the site with his staff. All that can be recorded of the circumstances of the discovery is contained in the observations then made, under difficult conditions. ‘Slabs of hard limestone’, it was reported, ‘taken from a local quarry of millepore oolite and forming the original Roman road, were distinctly visible beneath the present roadway—one of the few points where the precise site of the old road has been located. On the side of this… a burial-place has been constructed. What it was like originally it is difficult to say, beyond that a layer of thin … slabs of limestone occurred over the skeletons. This had probably been kept in place or supported by some structure of wood, as several large iron nails, some bent at right angles, were among the bones.’ If this were all that could be said about the burials, they would hardly merit a place in these pages. The chief interest of the record would be its apparent identification of the exact course of the Roman road at a point where this had hitherto been uncertain. Three objects associated with the second skeleton are, however, of exceptional interest.


Britannia ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 45-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bidwell

AbstractOccupation at Bainbridge began in the governorship of Agricola. Little is known of the first fort; the visible remains represent a successor fort, established in c.a.d. 85 at the earliest, abandoned under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, and reoccupied in c. a.d. 160. In the early Severan period, the size of the unit at the fort seems to have been greatly reduced in numbers, and a suite of rooms for an officer was inserted in the principia. Extensive work by cohors VI Nerviorum which took place in c. a.d. 205–7 included the building of new principia, the relocation of the east gate, and probably the addition of an annexe, its wall described in an inscription from the site as a bracchium. The fort was held until the end of the Roman period, by which time the principia had been partly demolished to provide space for a timber building probably accommodating the commanding officer. The aedes and part of the rear range seem to have stood until the ninth or tenth century, when the former was possibly converted into a church. Knowledge of this sequence of occupation depends largely on the results of Brian Hartley's excavations which are published here. The main focus of the report is on the remarkable series of principia, but a review of what is known of the overall archaeology of the fort is also included in the main text. The Supplementary Material (http://journals.cambridge.org/bri) contains a more detailed analysis of some of the other excavations together with various specialist reports.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel Morillo ◽  
Oihan Mendo ◽  
Diego Prieto ◽  
Gema Duprado ◽  
Silvia Bonacasa

The Roman wall, of rectangular plan and rounded corners, following the canonical military model, is the major evidence of the fortress built by the Legion VII Gemina in León in 74 AD. The archaeological interventions developed throughout the decades have confirmed that the defensive system consists of two adjacent walls: the first one dates back to the Low Empire, while the other, attached to the previous one by its external face, is dated Late Third to Early Fourth century AD. We, too, must add an internal rampart (agger) corresponding to a previous defensive system. The 3D virtual restitution we have undertaken allows us to contemplate, with further detail, the features of this almost 20 meters wide constructive complex that has conditioned the urban development of the city of León.


2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Tomáš Vítek

SummaryThe article investigates the extent to which Greek necromancy fits into the wider eschatological, cultic and historical context of an epoch demarcated on the one hand by Homer and on the other by the Classical period. The oldest purported necromantic ritual, with the help of which Odysseus descended into the underworld, is a literary construct inspired especially by the heroic tomb-cults. Scenes depicting funereal necromancy, written by dramatists of the Classical period, were also drawn from this source. Ability, behavior and appearance of heroes were additionally ascribed to the so-called restless spirits and revenants and later came to include all the dead. The main cause of this was a change in eschatological ideas and especially heroization, which in the Roman period spread nominally to all the dead. Reports about necromancy include a high percentage of mythical and literarily-dramatized elements that simply do not correspond with contemporary ideas about the soul, the dead, the underworld and chthonic deities. It therefore appears almost certain that, at least to the end of the period described, necromancy was not carried out in reality but remained only the literary surmise of the possibility indicated by Homer.


Author(s):  
Dwayne A. Meisner

The third chapter is about a theogony that had been known to the philosopher Eudemus (fourth century BC), and all of the other fragments that modern scholars have associated with this theogony. The Neoplatonist Damascius (fifth century AD) says that the theogony started with Night, but modern scholars have tried to link this to other early fragments of Orphic poetry. This chapter discusses Aristophanes in the first section, and Plato and Aristotle in the second section, arguing that their scattered references to Orphic poems might not have been from the same theogony. The third section introduces the Orphic Hymn(s) to Zeus that appear in different variations, the earliest of which are from around the same time as these other fragments. The fourth section suggests that early Orphic fragments about Demeter and Dionysus are not from the Eudemian theogony.


1952 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
A. K. Clarke

The literary sources upon which Claudian drew for De Raptu Proserpinae were recognized early. A great number were noted by Parrhasius in his edition of the poem (1500), and others by the editors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, particularly Heinsius. The eighteenth-century editors of Claudian had less work to do in this field. Gesner's edition (1759) made an important contribution to the study of Claudian, but the value of his commentary, both on the De Raptu and on the other poems, lay in judicious observation rather than discovery. Birt's edition in M.G.H. (1892) assembled the material in a valuable form, yet with the omission of some significant parallels and the addition of some which are slight and even questionable. Our task now is not so much to discover the sources of Claudian's language as to examine his use of them, and in attempting this we have two advantages. We have a better knowledge than our predecessors of Claudian's milieu and of classical culture at the end of the fourth century A.D.; and we have not been accustomed to regard poetry as necessarily less original because it is a grouping of associations.


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