The U.S. and Israel: In the Eye of the Storm

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 4-9
Author(s):  
Mark A. Bruzonsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Palestinian Issue

AbstractWhen I wrote in these pages two years ago that “1977 is shaping up as a year of possibly unprecedented political confrontation between Israel and the United States,” the Ford-Kissinger “reassessment” of American Middle East interests was. still alive, though crippled by what Kissinger termed “the prevailing domestic political situation.” The Brookings Report had emerged a few months earlier, detailing what was to become during the first months of Jimmy Carter's presidency his personal outline for a “comprehensive Middle East settlement.” And the Palestinian issue was just then affecting the American consciousness as one of self-determination and legitimate nationalist fervor.

Britain, the Transatlantic Alliance, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Hughes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.

scholarly journals United States and the Middle East after the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Yusuf Ibrahim Gamawa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Region Of Interest ◽  
The United States ◽  
Short Paper ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The United States emerged as the most powerful country after World War II and as such found itself in an influential position to be involved in the future and destinies of many countries across the globe. The U.S. played a major role in the post War economic reconstruction in Europe and rendered assistance to many European states. American power at this time was seen to have extended to other parts of the globe, including the Middle East, which has been a region of interest to outside powers. This short paper tries to look at U.S. ambitions in the region and how far the U.S. has gone in achieving these ambitions. The paper argues that U.S. policies in the Middle East were in the long run, a failure, despite whatever successes achieved, following certain developments in the region, beginning with the 1979 revolution in Iran.

scholarly journals Cooperative Militarization

2022 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-65
Author(s):  
Symbol Lai
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Agricultural Cooperatives ◽  
Cooperative Network ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Discipline ◽  
The U.S

In 1951, six years after the United States defeated Japan and commenced the Occupation of Okinawa, the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USCAR) issued an ordinance in support of agricultural cooperatives. Despite the appearance of altruism, the move marked the emergence of the U.S. anticolonial empire, a form that advocated racial and ethnic self-determination even as it expanded the U.S. military presence. This article shows how U.S. policymakers in Okinawa borrowed from modernization theory to implement models to foster ethnic identification through economic development. Their plans sought to render the United States an ally to Okinawa freedom despite the devastating effects militarism had on the local landscape. Specifically, military plans posited frameworks like the Okinawan economy, which strategically turned the military into a partner without whom Okinawa could not modernize. The article further focuses on agriculture, an arena where the contradictions of the U.S. Occupation was most acute. It argues that rehabilitating the local cooperative network drew Okinawans into the military project, not only to paper over the U.S. colonial presence, but also to further the reach of military discipline.

16. The United States in the Middle East

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Past Century ◽  
New Developments ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the roots of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. It begins with an overview of the origins and development of the United States’s involvement in the region over the past century, focusing on the traditional American interests. It then considers the structure of Middle Eastern policymaking and its domestic political context, as well as Washington’s response to new regional tensions and upheavals since the late 1970s. It also discusses new developments in the region, including the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Al-Qaeda and the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the U.S.-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Palestinian–Israeli impasse. The evolution of U.S. policy since 2000 in the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama is explored as well. The chapter concludes with an analysis of an ‘Obama doctrine’ and ‘American decline’ in the Middle East and the world.

The Friends of Bibi (FOBs) vs. "The New Middle East"

1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon T. Hadar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Working Together ◽  
The Media ◽  
The U.S

Led by a group of neoconservative intellectuals, who occupied top positions in the Reagan administration, an antipeace coalition has emerged in the U.S. capital. Working together with the Likud party and its leader Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu and using powerful outlets in Congress, the media, and think tanks, these Friends of Bibi (FOBs) have been instrumental in the lobbying efforts aimed at scuttling the PLO-Israeli accords and in building support for the new Likud government in Israel. This article examines the evolution of these "neocons" as a force in American politics and how their growing influence may affect the United States and the peace process.

Did the Events of 9/11 Change the Field of Middle East Studies? Pensée 1: Of Course—But How?

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
ZACHARY LOCKMAN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Short Answer ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
Middle East Studies ◽  
Resource Specialists ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

The short answer to the question as posed is, Yes, of course, 9/11 changed the field of Middle East studies. However, the next question we need to ask is, In what ways have the events of 9/11 (and all that they set in motion, in the United States and internationally, including the U.S. invasion of Iraq) actually affected our work as scholars, students, teachers, resource specialists, and so forth, whose primary focus is the Middle East and/or the Muslim world, as well as the institutions, networks, and field(s) with which we are engaged? Space limitations allow me to offer only a few brief thoughts.

The Crisis of NATO Political Consultation, 1973–1974: From DEFCON III to the Atlantic Declaration

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-133
Author(s):  
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Out Of Area ◽  
The U.S

After war broke out between Arab countries and Israel in October 1973, the U.S. government asked its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to do the unthinkable: establish an agreed position on an ongoing “out-of-area” crisis. Then, on 25 October, the United States unilaterally raised the alert level of its armed forces to DEFCON III, affecting the NATO area without consulting any allies. These actions constituted a radical departure from established NATO practice and angered the Europeans. U.S. officials, for their part, were upset at what they saw as a dismal European failure to support U.S. objectives in the Middle East crisis. In subsequent months, NATO frantically searched for ways to improve consultation, especially on out-of-area issues. The outcome in 1974 was the promulgation of the Atlantic Declaration, along with a series of functional reforms in alliance consultation procedures. The crisis forced NATO to adjust to the new trends of globalization that were rapidly becoming evident.

scholarly journals The United States of America and the End of Dutch Colonial Rule in Indonesia

Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 67-82
Author(s):  
Anna Wyrwisz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The U.S

The United States had developed trade relations with the Dutch East Indies before World War I. In the 1920s, American diplomatic services prepared reports on the economic and political situation in the Dutch colony. The U.S. wanted to defend their interests in the region. In 1949, after several years of attempts to regain power in Indonesia, the Dutch withdrew in the absence of American support. A decade later, suchlike events occurred in connection with Dutch New Guinea.

scholarly journals Free speech as a cultural value in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 707-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio J. Alvarez ◽  
Markus Kemmelmeier
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
Joint Influence ◽  
Individual Self ◽  
The U.S

Political orientation influences support for free speech, with liberals often reporting greater support for free speech than conservatives. We hypothesized that this effect should be moderated by cultural context: individualist cultures value individual self-expression and self-determination, and collectivist cultures value group harmony and conformity. These different foci should differently influence liberals and conservatives’ support for free speech within these cultures. Two studies evaluated the joint influence of political orientation and cultural context on support for free speech. Study 1, using a multilevel analysis of data from 37 U.S. states (n = 1,001), showed that conservatives report stronger support for free speech in collectivist states, whereas there were no differences between conservatives and liberals in support for free speech in individualist states. Study 2 (n = 90) confirmed this pattern by priming independent and interdependent self-construals in liberals and conservatives. Results demonstrate the importance of cultural context for free speech. Findings suggest that in the U.S. support for free speech might be embraced for different reasons: conservatives’ support for free speech appears to be motivated by a focus on collectively held values favoring free speech, while liberals’ support for free speech might be motivated by a focus on individualist self-expression.

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