Britain, the Transatlantic Alliance, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Hughes

This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Kuder

The purpose of this article is to isolate and determine the importance of institutional arrangements in shaping the dynamics of the U.S. GDP in the years 1979–2007. The research hypothesis which has been verified here can be summarized as follows: institutions in the U.S. economy have a positive influence on economic growth through a significant impact on improving the business environment. Having regard to the division of the economy into institutional areas: economic system, labor market, financial market, education and R&D, the author selected these institutional factors which indicated that the operation could be important for the process of economic growth in the United States, and then measured the impact in the years 1979–2007. To verify the thesis about the impact of institutions on economic growth the author used one of the most popular tools in this kind of econometric research – the multiple regression analysis. The analysis revealed that during the period of all the analyzed institutional factors it was the proportion of the working population and the degree of unionization that most strongly influenced the economic growth of the United States – an increase in one of these factors was associated with a much more than proportional increase in the rate of the economic growth.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Hudson

This chapter examines the roots of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. It begins with an overview of the origins and development of the United States’s involvement in the region over the past century, focusing on the traditional American interests. It then considers the structure of Middle Eastern policymaking and its domestic political context, as well as Washington’s response to new regional tensions and upheavals since the late 1970s. It also discusses new developments in the region, including the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Al-Qaeda and the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the U.S.-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Palestinian–Israeli impasse. The evolution of U.S. policy since 2000 in the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama is explored as well. The chapter concludes with an analysis of an ‘Obama doctrine’ and ‘American decline’ in the Middle East and the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 240-259
Author(s):  
Harem Hasan Ahmad ◽  
Ribwar Khalid Mustafa ◽  
Ibrahim Ali Salim

Following the end of World War II, and emerging of a vacuum after the withdrawal of British and French forces from some of the Middle East countries in the region, creating fear in Western countries, particularly the United States, that the Eastern Bloc, in particular Russia, would seek to fill the vacuum and spread the idea of leftism and communism in the region. For this reason, the United States has made every effort to confront the idea of communism and establish a foothold in the region among its policies. To this end, then US President Harry Truman announced his country's new policy in the context of the Truman project on the Middle East in (1945). Following Harry Truman, when Eisenhower assumed power as the new US president in (1953), he put forward the new policy of his country named Eisenhower’s Dwight in Congress in order to confront Russian politics and infiltrate communist thought in the area. There were several items in his project that emphasized the cooperation of Middle Eastern countries, especially in the economic and military fields.       The Eisenhower’s Dwight has had a variety of reactions from countries in the region, especially Arab countries. Some have accepted it from the very beginning. Some also expressed opposition to the project. There were also countries that initially opposed the Eisenhower project, but after a period of time following US efforts and pressure, eventually endorsed the project and became a fan of the US. As a result of these political divisions in the region, several political and military alliances between the countries of the Middle East Were formed. The idea of Nasser and the idea of Arab nationalism come to life at this time. Although originally favored by the Eastern Bloc, especially Russia, it also partially weakened the notion of communism and was about to cause tension between proponents of these two ideas. This situation had nothing in fact to do other than destabilizing the political state and the occurrence of several coups in order to change the regime of some of Middle Eastern countries, besides the long sovereignty of some Arab rulers.Regarding the Soveit Union attitude towards the Eisenhower’s doctrine, it can be seen that,the Soveit Union ctitisized  by the Soviet authorities from internal and external the SoveitUnbion.For instance the The Soveit Union attempted to gain extermal allies among the Middle Middle Eastren countries to convince them this doctrine is a part previous imperliams that supported by Westren countries.Finally,in the United Nation,The Soveit attempted to make a campaign to remove this doctrine as it mention a therat of world peace.


Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko

The Anglo-American “special relationship” has characteristics that make it distinct from other alliances led by the United States. The article covers a set of issues ranging from the bilateral nuclear cooperation to a broad web of military links between the US and the UK. It examines the phenomenon of the “special relationship”, its substance and manifestations in security and defense domains, including recent developments. The victory of Joe Biden in the United States 2020 Presidential election, that reversed ‘America First’ policy of D. Trump, makes the future relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom much more predictable. However, the British departure from the European Union is a milestone event with explicit and implicit implications for the policies of the US and the UK. Although it is premature to predict a resulting outcome of Brexit for their relationship, the prevailing view of American and British analysts is that the UK could lose a substantial part of its value for the United States in European matters. Nevertheless, the cooperation between Washington and London in security and defense issues will be no less intense. Moreover, a concept of ‘global Britain’ that is central to Boris Johnson’s foreign and security policies may prove more helpful to the U.S. strategy, especially beyond Europe. At least, an Indo-Pacific commitment on the part of post-Brexit Britain is a striking feature that lies fully in line with the U.S. strategic interests in the region.


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. A. LEE

This study represents part of a long-term research program to investigate the influence of U.K. accountants on the development of professional accountancy in other parts of the world. It examines the impact of a small group of Scottish chartered accountants who emigrated to the U.S. in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Set against a general theory of emigration, the study's main results reveal the significant involvement of this group in the founding and development of U.S. accountancy. The influence is predominantly with respect to public accountancy and its main institutional organizations. Several of the individuals achieved considerable eminence in U.S. public accountancy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Gasca Jiménez ◽  
Maira E. Álvarez ◽  
Sylvia Fernández

Abstract This article examines the impact of the anglicizing language policies implemented after the annexation of the U.S. borderlands to the United States on language use by describing the language and translation practices of Spanish-language newspapers published in the U.S. borderlands across different sociohistorical periods from 1808 to 1930. Sixty Hispanic-American newspapers (374 issues) from 1808 to 1980 were selected for analysis. Despite aggressive anglicizing legislation that caused a societal shift of language use from Spanish into English in most borderland states after the annexation, the current study suggests that the newspapers resisted assimilation by adhering to the Spanish language in the creation of original content and in translation.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Popp Berman

This chapter begins by introducing market-logic experiments undertaken in the mid-1970s. Like earlier efforts, these practices encountered limitations and did not, at the time, look poised to take off. But this time, things would be different, as a new idea started to gain influence in the policy realm. While economists had been looking seriously at the impact of innovation since the 1950s, policymakers' attention to the issue was limited before 1970. A spurt of interest in innovation in the early 1970s fizzled out when the economy rebounded briefly, but as the economy lost steam mid-decade, industry leaders, concerned with indicators suggesting that the United States was losing its technological leadership, began to push the idea that government needed to act to strengthen innovation. In the latter part of the decade, the innovation issue would become politically salient and influential, and would shape a variety of policies meant to strengthen the U.S. economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 126-149
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.


The Basel III Leverage Ratio, as originally agreed upon in December 2010, has recently undergone revisions and updates – both in relation to those proposed by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision – as well as proposals introduced in the United States. Whilst recent proposals have been introduced by the Basel Committee to improve, particularly, the denominator component of the Leverage Ratio, new requirements have been introduced in the U.S to upgrade and increase these ratios, and it is those updates which relate to the Basel III Supplementary Leverage Ratio that have primarily generated a lot of interests. This is attributed not only to concerns that many subsidiaries of US Bank Holding Companies (BHCs) will find it cumbersome to meet such requirements, but also to potential or possible increases in regulatory capital arbitrage: a phenomenon which plagued the era of the original 1988 Basel Capital Accord and which also partially provided impetus for the introduction of Basel II. This paper is aimed at providing an analysis of the recent updates which have taken place in respect of the Basel III Leverage Ratio and the Basel III Supplementary Leverage Ratio – both in respect of recent amendments introduced by the Basel Committee and proposals introduced in the United States. As well as highlighting and addressing gaps which exist in the literature relating to liquidity risks, corporate governance and information asymmetries, by way of reference to pre-dominant based dispersed ownership systems and structures, as well as concentrated ownership systems and structures, this paper will also consider the consequences – as well as the impact - which the U.S Leverage ratios could have on Basel III. There are ongoing debates in relation to revision by the Basel Committee, as well as the most recent U.S proposals to update Basel III Leverage ratios and whilst these revisions have been welcomed to a large extent, in view of the need to address Tier One capital requirements and exposure criteria, there is every likelihood, indication, as well as tendency that many global systemically important banks (GSIBS), and particularly their subsidiaries, will resort to capital arbitrage. What is likely to be the impact of the recent proposals in the U.S.? The recent U.S proposals are certainly very encouraging and should also serve as impetus for other jurisdictions to adopt a pro-active approach – particularly where existing ratios or standards appear to be inadequate. This paper also adopts the approach of evaluating the causes and consequences of the most recent updates by the Basel Committee, as well as those revisions which have taken place in the U.S, by attempting to balance the merits of the respective legislative updates and proposals. The value of adopting leverage ratios as a supplementary regulatory tool will also be illustrated by way of reference to the impact of the recent legislative changes on risk taking activities, as well as the need to also supplement capital adequacy requirements with the Basel Leverage ratios and the Basel liquidity standards.


Author(s):  
Eva N. Redvall

The chapter explores the successful meeting of “mainstream trends” and “masterpiece traditions” in the commissioning and production of Downton Abbey (2010–2015), and the way in which this “postheritage drama” marks a significant transatlantic encounter between different broadcasting cultures and storytelling traditions. Drawing on recent research on the special relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States in television drama, the analysis first details how this period drama became a collaboration between the commercial UK broadcaster ITV and the American PBS station WGBH and its Masterpiece series. The chapter then investigates how the long-form narrative with soap opera elements was designed to tap into the UK tradition of heritage drama, while drawing on the speed and storytelling style of US television series. The chapter closes with a discussion of Downton Abbey’s production story in relation to the series’ remarkable popularity in the United Kingdom, the United States, and beyond.


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