The contents and affiliation of the scientific manuscripts written at, or brought to, Chartres in the time of John of Salisbury

1994 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 127-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Burnett
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
New Science ◽  
Scientific Learning

In the debate over the state of cathedral schools and their displacement as centres of learning by the rising universities, the case of Chartres has, for nearly a century, excited the most attention. Much has been written on, first, whether the activity of several prominent intellectuals of the twelfth century such as Thierry, William of Conches and Gilbert of Poitiers was primarily at Chartres or at Paris; and, secondly, whether the thought of ‘Chartrian’ masters is old-fashioned or open to the profound changes which effected twelfth-century scientific learning. These changes resulted largely from the introduction of works translated from Greek and Arabic during that century. In this paper I try to clarify the situation at Chartres itself by summing up the evidence from the manuscripts known to have been in the cathedral library in the twelfth century of the degree to which this ‘new science’ was received there, and how it was assimilated.

The Reputation of Royal Judges Under the Angevin Kings

1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 301-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph V. Turner
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
Royal Patronage ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
English Law

In twelfth and thirteenth-century England complaints that justice was being sold were common, culminating with King John's tacit admission in Magna Carta. Coupled with these complaints were charges of corruption against royal judges, or against royal aulici, curiales, or familiares, since until the middle of Richard I's reign no professional judiciary existed. Even in King John's time, familiares regis still served as judges. Yet a core of royal servants specializing in justice, “professionals” in a certain sense, had been created. Historians since Maitland have generally held a high opinion of these judges. According to Maitland, under Henry II and Richard I, “English law was administered by the ablest, the best educated men in the realm.…” F.M. Powicke wrote that the judiciary of Henry III was “probably the most stable and helpful, as it was the most intelligent, element in the State at this time.” How are we to reconcile historians' high opinion of the royal justices with their contemporaries' low opinion? Were the chroniclers simply drawing stock figures in their depictions of corrupt judges, or was their picture drawn from life?Royal officials, including judges, proved popular targets for the pens of twelfth century moralists and satirists, some of whom wrote out of personal bitterness, having failed in the contest for royal patronage and high office.2 Capable of condemning curiales in classical Latin style was John of Salisbury. He knew many of Henry II's courtiers, and he came to despise them, especially those in clerical orders.

Bastard Feudalism and the Framing of Thirteenth-Century England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Coss
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Work ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.

The Ecclesiastical Organization of Central Greece at the Time of Michael Choniates

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Herrin
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Developing Economy ◽  
Central Greece ◽  
Byzantine Church ◽  
Expanding Population ◽  
New Evidence

This chapter examines the ecclesiastical organization of Central Greece at the time when Michael Choniates was Metropolitan of Athens (1182–1205). Using new evidence from the Codex Atheniensis 1371, it considers the state of the Byzantine church in Central Greece during the period. The Codex Atheniensis is a manuscript that contains a Notitia episcopatuum (list of metropolitans and bishops subject to the patriarchate of Constantinople). To establish the ecclesiastical sees in Central Greece at the end of the twelfth century, it is necessary to distinguish between several Notitiae. The evidence suggests that at least ten new bishoprics had been created in Central Greece since the time of the Emperor John Tzimiskes. The chapter argues that these new bishoprics were created to meet an immediate need—an expanding Orthodox population. An expanding population, combined with a developing economy, indicates that Central Greece was possibly experiencing prosperity.

A Bedouin Principle of Freedom for the Risorgimento d’Italia: Michele Amari Integrates Ibn Khaldūn with Vico’s filologia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-96
Author(s):  
Markus Messling
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Classical Model ◽  
The State ◽  
Model Case ◽  
Ibn Khaldun ◽  
Giambattista Vico ◽  
New Science ◽  
Human Choice ◽  
History Of

Abstract In the New Science (1744), Giambattista Vico defined filologia as “the doctrine of all the institutions that depend on human choice” of the mondo civile. When nineteenth-century European nationalism was on the rise, supported by narratives of cultural homogeneity and specificity, philological comparatism was the state-of-the-art and it, often, legitimated the obsessions with the purity of origins and genealogies. Italy, characterized by internal plurality and its Mediterranean entanglements, is a model case. Whereas many discourses of the Risorgimento aspired to shape a new Italian nation after the classical model, Michele Amari’s History of the Muslims of Sicily (1854–1872) marked an astonishing exception. For him, going back to Islamic-Sicilian history, its literary, rhetorical and linguistic culture, meant to resume, on a higher level of incivilmento (Vico), what had been obscured by cultural decline: the spirit of freedom and equality, which Ibn Khaldūn had attributed to the Bedouins and their dynamics in history.

The ‘Entheticus’ of John of Salisbury: A Critical Text

Traditio ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 127-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald E. Pepin
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
British Museum ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
University Library ◽  
Critical Text ◽  
Standard Edition ◽  
The University ◽  
Editio Princeps

The Entheticus de dogmate philosophorum of John of Salisbury has come down to us in three manuscripts: a twelfth-century codex in the British Museum (Royal 13. D. IV); a fourteenth-century manuscript in the University Library at Cambridge (Ii. II. 31); a seventeenth-century codex now located in the Staatsbibliothek, Berlin (Hamburg Cod. Phil. 350). The editio princeps was published by Christian Petersen (Hamburg 1843), and it has remained the standard edition. However, important deficiencies in that work have made a complete re-examination of the text necessary.

Concepts of Public Opinion

1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis G. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
Scientific Study ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Human History ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
Early Use ◽  
The Way

Public opinion in democracies should be the final element in political life which gives significance to the activity of the state and the fact of membership in it. The recognition of the force of opinion implies that in the overflowing of the individual's will to his neighbor's will, in the desire to administer the things common to wills, we have perhaps one of the most basic psychological foundations of the state. While one may contend that the problems of the nature of the state or of jurisprudence are more than adequately conceptualized, this certainly cannot be said of public opinion. Yet since the very early use of the term by John of Salisbury in 1159, its significance in human history has not been less than that of justice, liberty, or law. It is suggested that a statement of the elements which appear to be universal is the proper first step in the scientific study of public opinion. The method here proposed may seem barren of immediate results, but it is necessary to clarify reasoning on public opinion as force-ideas in political history. Commonly understood abstractions are necessary to pave the way for organized thinking and action.

John of Salisbury and His Brothers

1995 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Barlow
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Intimate Relationship ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
The Church

The church of Exeter, although geographically remote from the centres of royal and ecclesiastical power in England, was in the twelfth century in no way isolated. The rule of the important royal clerk and ambassador, William de Warelwast (1107–37), destroyed its provincialism and much of its archaism; and in the second half of the century a connection with the church of Salisbury led to the influx of some interesting men. It may be that the intimate relationship with Canterbury, inaugurated by the election of Bartholomew, Archbishop Theobald'sformer clerk, to Exeter in 1161, and repaid by the final location of the Exeter clerk Baldwin on the primatial throne in 1184, was the more rewarding for both. But the seemingly largely one-way contribution of Salisbury to Exeter is just as interesting.

The Waldensian Recourse to Violence

1986 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna K. Treesh
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Reformation

From their origins in the twelfth century to their support for and involvement in the Reformation in the sixteenth, the Waldensian heretics professed nonviolence as one of their beliefs. Later Protestant and Catholic polemicists equated the profession of nonviolence with a policy and bestowed upon the sect a reputation as one of the precursors of religious pacifism. More recent scholars have noted that the heretics at least occasionally employed violence. I will argue that lay Waldensian believers, called credentes, reacted violently to persecution and learned to employ aggression in pursuit of political goals. In the later Middle Ages, at least, Waldensians resorted to violence on enough occasions and in enough different locations to justify dropping the idea that they were a nonviolent group. Their use of violence did become more sophisticated—that is, more closely connected to political goals—during the fifteenth century as access to representatives of the state increased.

John of Salisbury and William of Malmesbury: currents in twelfth-century humanism

1994 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 117-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Thomson
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
William Of Malmesbury

In their excellent little book Scribes and Scholars Reynolds and Wilson comparejohn of Salisbury and William of Malmesbury as classicists. The fact that the two men have never before been so compared, and the fact that even Reynolds’s and Wilson’s account contains a good many errors, shows how much is yet to be learned about the humanistic scholarship of the twelfth century. William and John are comparable in a number of ways, but most particularly in their interest in Greco-Latin antiquity: it is central to their scholarship, it is a major preoccupation in their works, it provides a key (and if we add biblical and patristic antiquity as well, the key) to their thinking about their contemporary world.

scholarly journals Il Castello di “Carta”. Excursus della presenza del castello di Gallipoli nella cartografia storica

X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aurora Quarta
Keyword(s):  
Urban Development ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Evolutionary Dynamics ◽  
The State ◽  
Complete Picture ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The City ◽  
The Town ◽  
Over Time

The Castle of "paper". Excursus of Gallipoli’s castle presence in historical cartographyThe castle is located at the eastern part of the Gallipoli’s old town: the first data in archives and libraries started from the sixth century under the mention of castrum and in the following centuries there are many informations on parchments, written documents and bibliography published until today. The Syllabus Grecarum Membranarum from the twelfth century and the Statutum de reparatione castrorum of Frederick II are two precious sources about the primitive castle’s architecture.The structure endured the passage of the Byzantines, Normans, Swabians, Angevins and again, Aragonese, Venetians, Spaniards, Austrians and finally the Bourbons, until it became property of the State and now of the Gallipoli’s municipality. It has suffered over time numerous interventions to adapt it to new military needs: the castle was no longer effective with leading defence from new siege weapons, as for other architectures of the same period.The numerous representations preserved in Italian and European archives give a complete picture of the Gallipoli’s urban development and include the defensive system of the city: the different views illustrate the walls and allow us to understand the castle’s main evolutionary dynamics and its connection with the town.

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