Micro and Macro Land Availability as a Determinant of Human Fertility in Rural Canada West, 1851

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
William L. Marr

To date, there has been no attempt in Ontario economic history to examine human fertility in the nineteenth century by area of the province where area is differentiated by the extent of agricultural development and the data used are at the household level. In the United States, Richard Easterlin and his colleagues (1978) used a sample of rural households from the 1860 manuscript census to look at fertility, family, and agricultural differences and similarities for old and new areas in the northern states. The present study takes the census districts of Canada West (now Ontario) in 1851, divides them into three groups by the percentage of ever-improved agricultural land, and uses a sample of farm households from the manuscript census of 1851–52 as the data set. Since the extent of agricultural development can be taken as a proxy for county wide land availability, the contribution of this study is to relate land availability at both the county and household levels to fertility in the mid-nineteenth century.

Author(s):  
William B. Bonvillian ◽  
Peter L. Singer

This chapter provides an overview of the critical developments in U.S. production history. It begins with the lessons from James Watt's famous “walk on the Green” of Glasgow. The chapter then turns to the nineteenth-century interchangeable machine-made parts paradigm in the United States, nurtured through early War Department technology policy. This technology advance escalates through the nineteenth century into the snowstorm of true mass production, leveraging the scale advantage of the world's first continent-sized market. The story then turns to the defense innovation system. The defense innovation system subsequently birthed the foundational technologies behind the information technology innovation wave that evolved through the second half of the twentieth century. Importantly, this defense innovation role, which had its roots in production, by the mid-twentieth century had shifted almost exclusively to technologies, not the production systems behind them. This innovation/production disconnect had dramatic subsequent effects on U.S. manufacturing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Gowa ◽  
Raymond Hicks

It seems obvious that agreements to cut tariffs will raise trade between their signatories. But recent studies show that some agreements widely considered to be landmarks in economic history had either a remarkably small impact on trade or none at all. Among those agreements are the Cobden-Chevalier Treaties and the long series of tariff accords concluded under the auspices of the GATT/WTO. Both sets of agreements cut import duties on many goods that applied to all trading partners entitled to most-favored-nation treatment, but neither increased aggregate trade between their members. This article examines the agreements concluded by the United States under the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA). The authors use an original data set that records changes in tariffs and US imports at the product-line level for each of the twenty-seven bilateral agreements. No comparable data exist either for the nineteenth-century trade network or for the postwar trade regime. The results show that the RTAA treaties failed to raise aggregate US imports from its treaty partners. They also show that these agreements did lead to a large and significant rise in US imports of specific products from specific countries. Because the same bargaining protocol that produced the RTAA agreements also governed the European treaty network and the GATT/WTO, the argument advanced in this article can also help to explain why neither treaty exerted a significant impact on aggregate trade between their signatories.


1965 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin L. Primack

The construction and improvement of farm buildings in the United States during the latter half of the nineteenth century was a task of farmcapital formation exceeded only by the effort to clear the land itself. As uses of the farmer's time and capital, the erection of the first crude shelters and the steady additions to the dwelling and to other farm buildings are of major interest and importance in the analysis of American agricultural development. The statistics available to measure this work are adequate to command attention; like all statistics of this period, they must, of course, be employed with caution.


2001 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 1047
Author(s):  
Jean Riviere ◽  
Stanley L. Engerman ◽  
Robert E. Gallman

1966 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold F. Williamson

As Fritz Redlich has had occasion to point out, business history is neither of American nor of recent vintage–that interest in company histories which began on the Continent early in the nineteenth century had by 1900 prompted at least one prominent German scholar to suggest how a study of business might be developed into an academic discipline. What was new in the United States was the term “business history,” and what is more relevant for my comments in this paper were the circumstances that led to its emergence as a special field and the effect that this separation has had on the relationship between business history and economic history.


Author(s):  
Ewout Frankema

The study of Africa’s economic past has experienced phases of growth and decline. In the 1960s to 1980s scholarly interest in African economic history surged. Major themes, such as slavery and the slave trades, agricultural development, colonial economic policy, demography, poverty, and growth and structural change, invited discussion and sometimes heated debate. Dependency and Marxist perspectives dominated the literature of the 1970s and 1980s and the influential “formalist-substantivist” debate within economic anthropology addressed the validity of Western, capitalist models of rational economic behavior to study non-Western or non-capitalist societies. The early literature did much to recover the making by Africans of their own economic histories, including in internal trade (and commodity currencies) before colonial rule, and in researching the initiative/agency of Africans in expanding agricultural production for the market, especially in West Africa from “legitimate commerce” onward. It also laid the foundation for quantitative approaches, which are currently expanding in many directions. Growing numbers of historians from Africa, Europe, and North America inspired the foundation, in 1974, of the field journal African Economic History, published by the African Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin. In the 1990s the field coped with diminishing interest, and Marxist perspectives lost terrain. Many of the leading scholars of the “first generation” retired or branched off into other emerging fields, such as global history. Historians in the United States turned their backs on number-crunching economic historians. The field may also have suffered from rising pessimism concerning Africa’s economic future. Whatever the causes, the fading attention given to African economic history occurred at a time when Africans themselves were overcoming a period of intensive political and economic distress (see Hopkins 2009, cited under The “New” African Economic History). The foundation of the African Economic History Network in 2011 marked a renaissance within African economic history that became evident in the late 2000s. Scholars of The “New” African Economic History developed new quantitative and comparative approaches, using new data sources. They tended to make lesser use though of anthropological approaches and the rich ethnographic literature of Africa than earlier scholarship had done. Methodologically, the field saw a divide between scholars who combine the qualitative and quantitative approaches common in economic history and a new branch—often referred to as “historical economics”—that leans strongly toward the methods of applied economics, with an increasing emphasis on “causal identification.” Chances that the current wave of interest in the economic past of Africa will wither away again appear much lower these days. International development agencies are focusing increasingly on sub-Saharan Africa as the front line in their fight against global poverty. Climate change, demographic growth, Africa’s “green revolution,” new trade agreements (e.g., the African Continental Free Trade Area [AfCFTA]), and the shifting gravity centers of the global economy in general all forge a broad public interest in the long-term dynamics of African economies. Moreover, contrary to the 1990s, renewed optimism has emerged regarding the opportunities of African economies to outgrow poverty. This article focuses mainly, though not exclusively, on the work produced by economic historians, most of whom are united in the African Economic History Network (AEHN), that can be associated with The “New” African Economic History. This bibliography gives little attention to North Africa, but it does include some key references on the economic history of South Africa.


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