The Workers' Movement and Political Change in Spain, 1956–1977

2013 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 70-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Domènech Sampere

“That the number of our Members be unlimited” … Today we might pass over such a rule as a commonplace: and yet it is one of the hinges upon which history turns. It signified the end to any notion of exclusiveness, of politics as the preserve of any hereditary elite or property Group … To throw open the doors to propaganda and agitation in this “unlimited” way implied a new notion of democracy, which cast aside ancient inhibitions and trusted to self-activating and self-organising processes among the common people.E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class The decline of labor history in the research agenda of senior Spanish scholars matches the surprising interest in it of young researchers as indicated by the opening of new lines of research and the explosion of studies on other social movements that also have a strong class character in their origins. Moreover, despite the progressive decline of published academic research on the quintessential social movement, the truth is that its history is still crucial for understanding the political and social dynamics of the late Franco regime and the first years of democracy for at least two reasons.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.


1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-61
Author(s):  
Christopher Dawson

The origins of modern democracy are so closely bound up with the history of liberalism that it is a matter of considerable difficulty to disentangle them and to distinguish their distinctive contributions to the common political tradition of modern Western culture. For this question also involves that of the relation between the three revolutions, the English, the American, and the French, which transformed the Europe of the ancien régime, with its absolute monarchies and state churches, into the modern world. Now all these three revolutions were liberal revolutions and all of them were political expressions of the movement of the European enlightenment in its successive phases. But this movement was not originally a democratic one and it was only in the second half of the eighteenth century that the democratic ideal was clearly formulated. On the continent of Europe the revolution of ideas preceded the political and economic revolutions by half a century, and the revolution of ideas was not in any sense of the word a democratic movement; it was the work of a small minority of men of letters who looked to the nobles and the princes of Europe rather than to the common people, and whose ideal of government was a benevolent and enlightened absolutism, like that of Frederick the Great or the Empress Catherine of Russia. There was an immense gulf between the ideas of Voltaire and Turgot, of Diderot and D'Alembert, and the opinions of the average man. The liberalism of the philosophers was a hothouse growth which could not be easily acclimatized to the open air of the fields and the market place.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
S. Elizabeth Penry

In the sixteenth century, Spaniards forcibly resettled Andeans into planned towns called reducciones. Andeans adapted the political and religious institutions of the new towns, the cabildo (town council) and the cofradías (confraternities), and made them their own, organizing them by the Andean social form, the ayllu. Over time, political legitimacy and authority within towns was transferred from traditional native hereditary lords, the caciques, to the common people of the town, who called themselves the común. Although a Spanish word, común took on Andean meaning as it was the word used to translate terms for collective land and the collective people of a town. It became a recognized shorthand for a political philosophy empowering common people. In the late eighteenth-century era of Atlantic Revolutions, the común rose up against its caciques, in an Enlightenment-from-below moment of popular sovereignty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 239-249
Author(s):  
Michał Kowalczyk

Jan Ludwik Popławski (1854-1908) was one of the fathers of the Polish National Democratic ideology in the late 19th and early 20th century. He was particularly fascinated with matters pertaining to the common people, and especially Polish peasantry. He considered them to be the genuine Poles, free of foreign influences. It is worth pointing out that that he also served as an inspiration to Roman Dmowski, the founder of the National Democracy movement and one of the leaders whose efforts secured Polish independence. According to Popławski, the Polish gentry were servile to the powers occupying Poland. He therefore hoped that the common people would play a greater role in the political life of the nation. 


1991 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Huang Yi-long

It has been said that “ astrological interpretations are neither mumbo jumbo nor unsuccessful science. They are best understood, like modern economic indicators, as a technical framework for policy debates, resolved, as often as not, on other grounds. Faith in the validity of astrological categories, like confidence in extensively manipulated statistics today, persists despite their repeated failure to deliver accurate predictions.” The same might be remarked of divination as an element in the formation of imperial Chinese policy. This study aims to demonstrate that astrology, siting, and hemerology, because they provided a form for resolving opposed interests, played focal roles in great events . Their neglect by historians of science is unwarranted. Conversely, it is impossible without considering the involvement of divination to understand many changes in government policy. Yang Kuang-hsien’s celebrated anti-Christian movement in the K’ang-hsi era deeply influenced the scientific and cultural interchange between China and the West. Most previous studies of these movements have been focused on the calendar controversy between Yang and the Jesuits Johann Adam Schall vo n Bell (T’ang Jo-wang) and Ferdinand Verbiest (Nan Huai-jen). The inquiry summarized in this paper, however, indicates that deliberations in 1658 on the time of burial for Prince Jung, the fourth son of the Shih-tsu. the Shun-chih emperor, were pivotal for the fortunes of Christianity in the late seventeenth century. Hemerology, the choice of lucky days, an art tied to (among other activities) the siting of tombs, has been since the Han one of the most important responsibilities of the court astrologer, who was expected to propose dates for state ceremonies. Two groups of people, led by Yang and Schall respectively , used different traditions of hemerology in their attempts to control the Imperial Board of Astronomy. Both sides used sudden shifts in the political situation to attack their opponents. The controversy prompted the royal astronomers to involve themselves in what had been a long-standing dispute over siting among astrologers serving the common people. This case, previously seldom discussed, was in many ways the most important of the incidents that triggered the anti-missionary agitation in the early K’ang-hsi period. This seemingly trivial polemic over the time of an infant’s burial, in view of its fateful consequences for the introduction of Western thought into China, will serve as an excellent example of the political significance of astrology, siting, and hemerology. A second example discussions of the Dalai Lama's visit to Peking in 1652, in which traditional astrology played a larger role, demonstrates that its uses in political debate were part of a set of roles shared by the divinatory arts.


Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Chappey

Was the French Revolution the victory of an all-conquering bourgeoisie that made up the foundation of the nineteenth-century France of the ‘notables’? How far did the older elites of the ancien régime succeed in taking part in the political, social and cultural reordering of the first decades of the new century? This chapter examines the significance of these questions in relation to the construction and legitimation of elite power after the fall of Robespierre. Exploring both political and intellectual developments, it reveals the dynamics which account for the major rupture between the dominance of a republican elite under the Directory, and the foundations of the power of the Empire’s so-called ‘Granite masses’. Study of the various components of elite domination involves not merely scrutiny of the role played by the state, but also of changing attitudes towards the common people, against whom the evolving position of the elite was constructed.


Author(s):  
Roxana Kharchuk

The paper deals with the perception of Shevchenko’s works in the ‘Little Russian’ environment of the 19th century. The interpretations within this social group may be defined as profane because its representatives treated Shevchenko exclusively in the limits of ethnography and as a poet of the common people, while his artistic, national, and political significance was obscured. The author refers to private, public, and secret documents. These are P. Seletskyi’s memoirs; P. Galagan’s journal; the correspondence of K. Kersten with her cousin, member of Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood O. Markovych; M. Rigelman’s polemical paper on Ukrainophilism; T. Florynskyi’s work on Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literary separatism; the notes on the Ukrainophile movement by M. Yuzefovych. The following spectrum of ‘Little Russian’ discourse regarding Shevchenko has been defined: ambivalent attitude (P. Seletskyi); an attempt to combine respect for Shevchenko with loyalty to the Russian emperor and empire (H. Galagan); strictly negative and arrogant attitude (K. Kersten); attempts to separate Shevchenko from Ukrainophilism, Ukrainian language and literature (M. Rigelman and T. Florynskyi), understanding of Shevchenko as a creator of Ukrainophilism (M. Yuzefovych). The presence of the poet’s name in reports to the 3rd Department indicates that apprehending Ukrainian separatism, the Russian imperial structures traditionally treated Shevchenko at the political level, just like issues of the Ukrainian language, culture or education. In the context of prohibitions concerning Ukrainian language and culture, the ‘Little Russian’ discourse of interpreting Shevchenko was inevitably politicized and became identified with the imperial one.


1970 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 246-257
Author(s):  
Michał Kowalczyk

Jan Ludwik Popławski (1854-1908) was one of the fathers of the Polish National Democratic ideology in the late 19th and early 20th century. He was particularly fascinated with matters pertaining to the common people, and especially Polish peasantry. He considered them to be the genuine Poles, free of foreign influences. It is worth pointing out that that he also served as an inspiration to Roman Dmowski, the founder of the National Democracy movement and one of the leaders whose efforts secured Polish independence. According to Popławski, the Polish gentry were servile to the powers occupying Poland. He therefore hoped that the common people would play a greater role in the political life of the nation.


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