democratic movement
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Knygotyra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 236-276
Author(s):  
Tomas Petreikis

This article deals with propaganda activities, such as publishing proclamations (20 publications), revolutionary songs (1), and underground periodicals (1), by local organizations of the Bund, LSDDP, LSDP and RSDDP in Šiauliai in 1904–1914. Political changes in Russia in 1904–1907 created favorable conditions for social democratic organizations to actively carry out propaganda activities, but the intensity at which they were carried out was not uniform across Lithuania. The proletarian profile of Šiauliai and the particularly active activity of the LSDP allowed to mobilize propagandists in a short time, to prepare the necessary proclamations on the spot, and to provide the necessary press equipment. During the years of the revolution (1905–1907), Šiauliai had to emerge as the second center of the social democratic movement in Lithuania. After the defeat of the revolution in Russia, due to the increased persecution of social democratic forces, the underground organizations failed to mobilize their press capacity or develop more active propaganda events; therefore, the political parties even had to suspend the activities of local organizations in Šiauliai. The integration of social democratic youth into the social democratic organizations of Šiauliai took place in c. 1912 and gave hope for a stronger revival of propaganda. The resumption of activities ceased in the first years of the First World War. The large-scale underground press developed in underground conditions expressed the expectations of the local population, reflected the involvement of parties in the formation of political views of the urban population, and was a counterweight to official information. Therefore, its assessment is inseparable from the realities of the political context of that time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-559
Author(s):  
Yuliy A. Nisnevich

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events separate the Russian nomenclature and the democratic movement but also split the democratic movement itself. The goal of the article is to examine the transformation of the relationship between the democratic movement and the soviet and, later on, Russian nomenclature during the revolutionary changes of the early 1990s.


2021 ◽  
pp. 647-664
Author(s):  
Gladys Ganiel ◽  
Martin Steven

This chapter examines the role of religion in Ireland and the United Kingdom in four stages, focusing on how divisions between Protestantism and Catholicism have contributed to political tensions and, at times, violence: (a) from the colonization of Ireland by Britain until the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923, when religion was used both to justify colonialism and to oppose it; (b) state-building in the early twentieth century, when religion impacted politics and society in ways that diverged from the wider European Christian democratic movement; (c) a period of secularization in the late twentieth century; and (d) a period of religious change, but at the same time persistence, in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It concludes by examining the impact of religion on the 2016 Brexit referendum vote, arguing that Brexit has destabilized political and religious relationships between the islands, with particular reference to Northern Ireland and Scotland.


Protest ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-146
Author(s):  
Chonlatit Chottsawas

Abstract In the 2020 Thailand’s protests, the spirit of democracy humiliated over the past six years has been restored. Like a wave of the never-failing stream, Thai people, including myself young and old, demanded a change in Thai politics.


Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (79) ◽  
pp. 37-50
Author(s):  
Au Loong-Yu

This essay discusses why the Hong Kong 2019 revolt means so much for future democratic movements despite its tragic defeat and its weaknesses. This was a massive democratic movement, with entirely legitimate demands: the dropping of an extradition bill which could legalise Beijing's attempts to prosecute Hong Kong citizens under the Mainland legal system; and the honouring of its commitment of granting universal suffrage to the Hong Kong people. This massive movement naturally brought with it multiple tendencies and contradictions. Taking advantage of the absence of a left labour movement, and a young generation who were newcomers to politics, right-wing and anti-Chinese voices became more vocal than their organisational strength might have indicated - though not strong enough to alter the fundamental character of this revolt as a democratic movement. In the last analysis, however, the balance of forces means that Hong Kong has little chance of preserving its liberty unless the Mainland situation begins to change. Success will ultimately depend on a united front between democratic forces in the Mainland and Hong Kong, an issue which the 2019 r evolt has not thought sufficiently about. However, the 2019 revolt, which helped to consolidate democratic consciousness among millions in Hong Kong, itself constitutes a new starting point for the future of democratic struggle, both in the Mainland and in Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ni Putu Bayu Widhi Antari ◽  
Daniel Connell

Purpose This study aims to assess whether Tukad Bindu, Bali, Indonesia is a good example of ecotourism or practice in greenwashing. Design/methodology/approach The characteristics of ecotourism to assess Tukad Bindu were identified through a review of the existing literature. This study used Honey’s argument to determine these characteristics and supplemented them with other experts’ views to understand the global and local contexts of ecotourism. Primary data were collected from interviews with stakeholders and observations. The Tukad Bindu Foundation provided secondary data. Findings This study reveals that Tukad Bindu is a good example of ecotourism because it involves travelling to natural destinations. It reduces the negative effects of tourism activities – specifically environmental – thereby raising environmental awareness among local communities, tourists and the public at large. Tukad Bindu produces direct financial benefits for conservation, for empowering local communities and providing financial benefits, reverence for local cultures and positively influences the democratic movement, especially strengthening stakeholders’ participation in ecotourism. Research limitations/implications To accelerate the development of Tukad Bindu as an ecotourism destination, research on factors that enable and obstruct ecotourism development is required. This will help the foundation and stakeholders to develop strategies that can achieve the goals of conservation, local communities’ livelihoods and environmental education. Practical implications This study also has practical implications in terms of managing environmental activities, enriching Tukad Bindu’s biodiversity and attractions, and maintaining ecotourism sustainability. Originality/value Tukad Bindu has applied unique ecotourism practices, in terms of developing and ownership of protected areas. While Honey’s framework of ecotourism is beneficial to elaborate on the nature of ecotourism, the characteristics in this framework are not mutually exclusive in the case of Tukad Bindu. This study also has practical implications in terms of managing environmental activities, enriching Tukad Bindu’s biodiversity and attractions, and maintaining ecotourism sustainability.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clark Curtis

Mirsad Hadžkadić never planned for a life in politics. Yet, in 2018, he decided to run for the Bosniak presidential council seat in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mirsad made the life-changing decision to run, despite the fact that he had a successful, thirty-year career as a professor at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and very little experience in politics outside of academia. However, a conversation with a dear friend from Sarajevo planted the idea in his mind. Samir Avdaković suggested that he run for office because “there may never be another election in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the country as we know it will probably disintegrate.” The words rumbled within Mirsad’s mind for the next several months, and he thought to himself, “if what Samir says is so, who am I, because of the comforts I have, to decide not to even try?” After announcing his intentions on national TV in January of 2018, Mirsad began this journey in earnest in May of 2018 by building a campaign from the ground up with the hope of instilling a vision of hope and change and shifting the country’s political discourse. However, he soon learned that the odds were stacked against him. He only had five months and limited funds to prove to the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina that he deserved their votes. And so, he took his meager funds, limited time, and infinite passion to do just that. He toured the country, meeting and talking with citizens, to share his vision of hope and change. Though Mirsad was not victorious on October 7th, his results were deemed historic and unprecedented. A relatively unknown, underfunded independent candidate managed to receive 60,000 votes or ten percent of the total votes cast. And, despite the defeat, Mirsad succeeded in spearheading a democratic movement, resulting in the formation of the Platform for Progress political organization in November of 2018 and the official dawning of The Odyssey for Democracy.


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