On the performance of the International polity

1978 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oran R. Young

Evaluative statements concerning the performance of the international polity diverge dramatically from one another. On the one hand, there are those whose views border on the apocalyptic. They assert that the performance of this political system is imacceptably poor and that the international polity is currently headed toward catastrophe. They are convinced that the existing international political system cannot be reformed, a conclusion that implies the necessity of repudiating the existing system. Therefore, it is not surprising that those who hold such views are prominently associated with calls for a new world order. At the same time, many students of international affairs have views concerning the performance of the international polity which border on the complacent. The adequacy of the performance of this political system is often tacitly assumed. Such views are not uncommon even among those who are active in various reformist movements at the level of domestic politics.

1995 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo L. Munck ◽  
Chetan Kumar

As the Cold War has receded, it has left behind a world system characterized by two divergent trends. On the one hand, as the two superpowers have withdrawn their security umbrellas, a host of ethnic and territorial conflicts have sprouted around the globe. On the other hand, as former rival blocs now create alliances, international mechanisms for the peaceful resolution of contentious issues have proliferated. A central concern of our times, then, is whether, and under what circumstances, these new mechanisms will be successful in dealing with the disorderly aspects of the new world ‘order’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
Al Makin

This article is a reflection of the text of NDP (Nilai Dasar Perjuangan/Basic Principles of Struggle) text held by HMI (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam/Muslim Student Association) as a basis of their activism struggle in Indonesia. The text consists of eight sections covering many aspects, such as theology, anthropology, sociology, and epistemology. By critical thinking, the NDP text of HMI should be transformed continuously toward an era of global diversity and plurality. In Indonesian context, there has been a fundamental change along with the democratization that brings out an openness and multi-party political system. This is important regarding that the NDP of HMI has been drafted in 1960 and 1970 when Nurcholis Madjid era faced the context of socio-political thought. The study found that the NDP of HMI is required to be changed in the context of new world order. It is not a sacred text, so the change is a necessity. *** Artikel ini merupakan refleksi dari teks NDP (Nilai Dasar Perjuangan) yang dimiliki HMI (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam) sebagai dasar untuk perjuangan aktivisme mereka di Indonesia. Teks terdiri dari delapan bagian yang meliputi banyak aspek, mulai dari teologi, antropologi, sosiologi, hingga epistemologi. Dengan pembacaan secara kritis terhadap teks NDP HMI di tengah perubahan dunia global yang terus mengalami transformasi menuju era keragaman dan kemajemukan global. Pada konteks lokal Indonesia, juga telah terjadi perubahan yang mendasar seiring dengan gelombang demokratisasi yang memunculkan era keterbukaan dan sistem politik multipartai. Hal ini penting, mengingat NDP HMI disusun dalam kurun waktu antara tahun 1960 hingga 1970-an di mana era Nurcholis Madjid menghadapi konteks pemikiran dan sosial-politik pada waktu itu. Studi ini menemukan bahwa NDP HMI sudah sewajarnya memerlukan perubahan di tengah konteks dan tatanan dunia yang baru. NDP HMI bukanlah teks yang suci, sehingga perubahan adalah sebuah keniscayaan.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
D Bayarkhuu

Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.3 1996: 12-16


2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (04) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Yongnian ZHENG ◽  
Wenxin LIM

In 2013, the Chinese leadership announced the One Belt, One Road initiative as a strategic construct of Chinese peripheral influence and regional integration. As a growing major power, China needs to take the initiative to go beyond its responsibility as a “developing nation”. While China and the United States share many common interests and are highly interdependent, a new world order is viable only with the cooperation of China and the United States.


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Nikongo Ba’Nikongo

Contemporary Africa has little to be proud of. Between starvation, political corruption and economic inefficiency on the one hand and political unrest, political delegitimation and increasing refugization of widespread populations on the other, it is little wonder that many are writing off Africa. Some writers have stated emphatically that Africa is “Falling Off the Map.” African problems are many; African solutions seem to be few and far between. In a world where power is being redefined, where the New World Order presents new realities of geopolitic, it is no longer sufficient for Third World nations to play one super-power off against another. Africa is lost.


Author(s):  
Richard H. Immerman ◽  
Jeffrey A. Engel

This section introduces readers to Woodrow Wilson and the magnitude of the global problems he faced as World War I raged—eventually with formal American participation—with no clear end in sight. More than a statement of war aims, Wilson’s Fourteen Points were a full-throated call for a new world order, one capable of surmounting the inherent problems that had plagued society and international affairs for generations. So profound were Wilson’s words and so great his legacy that historians no longer ask whether subsequent presidents were or were not Wilsonian in their foreign policies and worldviews. We ask how Wilsonian were they? The introduction also previews the fourteen solutions humbly offered in Wilson’s honor for our own times.


2008 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
MANU BHAGAVAN

AbstractThis paper explores India's role in the development and design of the United Nations (UN), refracted through the Commission that drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Through an analysis of sovereignty, citizenship, nationality and human rights from the 1940s to 1956, the paper discusses what India hoped the UN to be, and more generally what they intended for the new world order and for themselves. The paper challenges existing interpretations of international affairs in this period. It seeks to reform our understanding of Jawaharlal Nehru's intellectual vision, and in the process attempts to recast the very concept of post-coloniality.


2016 ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Hrath Tchilingirian

The post-cold war era has been a mixed blessing for the "new world order". On the one hand, there is increasing interest in social, ecological, gender and moral issuesfacing the world; on the other hand, nationalism and politicized religion have dominated the central stage of public discourse.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Payne ◽  
Paul K. Sutton

The Supposed emergence of a New World Order has quickly become one of the cliches of the 1990s. First enunciated by President Bush in the context of US attempts to mobilize international support for the Gulf War, the phrase has already been defined and redefined in countless journalistic analyses of recent events in Eastern Europe, the Gulf itself and lately of course the Soviet Union. This is not the place to add directly to that debate. It is obvious that the world order of the 1990s is very different from the post-1945 order. Briefly expressed, it is constituted by the interplay between, on the one hand, a new but still unequal diffusion of power between the core states of the world (the United States, the European Community [EC], and Japan) and, on the other, a new concentration of power in the hands of international capital.


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