scholarly journals Institutional Changes, Influences and Historical Junctures in the Communist Youth League of China

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Wen-Hsuan Tsai ◽  
Xingmiu Liao
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Communist Youth League ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
United Front ◽  
Opportunities For Promotion

Abstract The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regards the Communist Youth League (CYL) as a critical and distinctive mass organization that acts as an “assistant” and “reserve army” for the Party. This article uses the analytical concepts of historical institutionalism and critical junctures to discuss the changes in the CYL during the post-Mao period. We focus on two critical junctures: 1982, when the CYL became a route to rapid promotion for cadres, and 2016, after which its cadres had fewer opportunities for promotion and the CYL was pushed back to its original role in youth United Front work. We also find that the CYL has refined its United Front methods to attract talented young people by offering them services. This reflects the efforts of the CCP regime to adapt to circumstances and ensure its survival.

High Tide on the High Plateau

2020 ◽  
pp. 121-145
Author(s):  
Benno Weiner
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
High Tide ◽  
Class Analysis ◽  
High Plateau ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Sudden Introduction ◽  
The Way

This chapter explores the period from summer 1955 to summer 1956, a year that saw the sudden introduction of class analysis and protocollectivization into Amdo's grasslands. Spurred by the nationwide “High Tide of Socialist Transformation,” which sought to collectivize agriculture at a sudden and startling pace, in fall of 1955, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organized “intensive investigations” into Amdo's pastoral society, efforts meant to pave the way for the staged introduction of pastoral cooperatives. By early 1956, Qinghai's leadership had made cooperativization (hezuohua) the year's core task in pastoral areas. Under these circumstances, the underpinnings of the United Front came under pressure as socialism itself was declared the means to achieve nationality unity and economic development. With revolutionary impatience threatening to overwhelm United Front pragmatism, the rhetoric used to describe Tibetan elites began to shift as well. Rather than covictims of nationality exploitation, headmen and monastic leaders were increasingly transformed into representatives of the pastoral exploiting class.

Repositioning of Mass Organizations in the United Front

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-292
Author(s):  
Jiao Li ◽  
Muyun Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Life Course ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Typical Representative ◽  
United Front

After forming the Anti-Japanese national united front, Chinese Communist Party (ccp) hoped to develop mass organizations in “open,” “democratic” and “mass-oriented” ways. The National Liberation Vanguards of China (nlvc) was a typical representative of left-wing mass organizations in kmt-controlled areas. During 1936-1939, nlvc’s life course was a microcosm of ccp’s adjustment in mass work. nlvc faced ordeals between inclusiveness and insistence, testing whether ccp could stick to principles in mass work. This paper conducts a case study centered on the nlvc, to analyze how ccp repositioned mass organizations during the Anti-Japanese War and explore how mass organizations affected the Party’s vitality.

Mao, Stalin, and the Formation of the Anti-Japanese United Front: 1935–37

1992 ◽  
Vol 129 ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Michael M. Sheng
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Historical Inquiry ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

The formation of the anti-Japanese national united front between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Guomindang (GMD), and Moscow's role in it, has attracted much historical inquiry. Our knowledge about it is enriched with the appearance of John Garver's and Kui-Kuong Shum's recent works. However, there are some important issues raised by them worth further discussion, and some factual evidence which needs more study.

Tibetans do the Housework, but Han are the Masters

2020 ◽  
pp. 146-160
Author(s):  
Benno Weiner
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
High Tide ◽  
Great Leap ◽  
Great Leap Forward ◽  
United Front ◽  
The One ◽  
The Great Leap Forward ◽  
Minority Nationality ◽  
Party Congress

This chapter looks at the events in Zeku County and beyond from the end of the High Tide in summer of 1956 through the eve of the Great Leap Forward in late 1957. This period, referred to as an “un-Maoist interlude,” was marked by a retreat from plans for rapid collectivization and even saw a push during the One Hundred Flowers campaign to encourage open criticism of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) so that its mistakes could be rectified. A centerpiece was soliciting critiques from United Front figures, particularly Han intellectuals but also leading minority nationality figures. Among the latter, many complained that the autonomy the CCP promised non-Han communities at the time of “Liberation” had proved more mirage than fact. Far from a reactionary stance, in the months following the Eighth Party Congress, this critique was widely promoted in Party and government circles.

Deepening the State

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 136-154
Author(s):  
Samson Yuen ◽  
Edmund W. Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
State Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Multiple State ◽  
United Front ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
Original Event

United front work has long been an important tool through which the Chinese Communist Party exercises political influence in Hong Kong. While existing works have revealed the history, actors, and impact of united front work in this semiautonomous city, few studies have focused on its changing structure and objectives in the post-handover period. Using publicly available reports and an original event dataset, we show that united front work has involved a steady organizational proliferation of social organizations coupled with their increasingly frequent interaction with the mainland authorities and the Hong Kong government. We argue that united front work has become more decentralized and multilayered in its structure and that its objective has been shifting from elite co-optation to proactive countermobilization against pro-democracy threats. Our findings indicate that state power in post-handover Hong Kong does not solely belong to governmental institutions; it is increasingly exercised through an extensive network comprising multiple state and social actors.

The “Second Wang Ming Line” (1935–38)

1975 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 61-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregor Benton
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Slow Rate ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Difference

The subject of this article is the development of the second united front in China between 1935 and 1938, and in particular the difference between the Comintern and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on this question. In the first part of the period these differences revealed themselves in the Comintern's criticisms of the CCP's slow rate of progress towards rapprochement with the Kuomintang (KMT). As progress towards the united front gathered speed, they more and more came to centre on how far the alliance should go and the status of the communist areas and armies in relation to the central power of the KMT. Eventually the Maoist interpretation emerged successful from this contest between the two centres, and Wang Ming, chief Chinese spokesman for the Comintern, was elbowed away from the levers of power in the Party.

scholarly journals The Strength of a Weak Organization: The Communist Youth League as a Path to Power in Post-Mao China

2019 ◽  
Vol 243 ◽  
pp. 780-800
Author(s):  
Jérôme Doyon
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Communist Youth League ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Leading Cadres

AbstractHow can a weak organization be a path to power? The Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) lacks autonomy and coherence yet it is seen as the cradle for one of the main factions within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). To understand this tension, I provide a novel account of the role played by the CYL in the recruitment of leading cadres since the 1980s. Against explanations based on factional struggles, I argue that the rise of CYL-affiliated cadres is a by-product of the organization's weakness. As the Party appoints CYL heads, CCP leaders, at various levels and at different points in time, have used the League to accelerate the promotion of their protégés. For years, there has been little incentive for Party bosses to dismantle this promotion path. However, in his bid to consolidate his power, Xi Jinping has weakened this channel so that it may not be used by potential rivals.

From Thanh Niên to the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and the Việt Minh

2021 ◽  
pp. 256-287
Author(s):  
John T. Sidel
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Southern China ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
World War ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
United Front

This chapter starts with the introduction of Thanh Niên dissolution as a coherent organization, leaving in its wake a welter of new groupings: an Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), a rival Annamese Communist Party in Cochinchina, and the Annam-based Tân Việt (New Việtnam). The chapter demonstrates the onset, unfolding, and ultimate outcomes of the Việtnamese Revolution, which were shaped by World War II, successive seismic shifts in neighboring China, from the overthrow of the Qing and the warlord era to the rise and fall of the KMT (Kuomintang)-CCP (Chinese Communist Party) United Front, the Japanese invasion and occupation, the civil war, and the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The chapter also highlights the establishment of an armed united front effectively under ICP control but aimed to encompass — or overshadow — a broader array of groups active in southern China, the Việt Nam Độc Lập Đồng Minh (Việtnam Independence League, or Việt Minh). Ultimately, the chapter exemplifies the broader importance of China's role in enabling Việtnamese revolutionary mobilization, from the heyday of Phan Bội Châu through Thanh Niên, and the ICP and the Việt Minh.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document