Counterterrorism in American Civil Courts: The Role of Letelier v. Republic of Chile

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Alan McPherson

The very rarity of these situations makes the legislation all the more important. Samuel Buffone, lawyer for Isabel Letelier On September 21, 1976, former Chilean Ambassador and Minister Orlando Letelier drove to his job in Washington, DC, in his Chevelle, accompanied by his coworkers, Ronni Moffitt and Michael Moffitt. As the Chevelle veered off Massachusetts Avenue into Sheridan Circle, the bottom of the car exploded upward, blowing off Letelier's legs and killing him within minutes. A short time after that, at George Washington Hospital, Ronni Moffitt died from a severed carotid artery. Michael Moffitt, sitting in the back, survived with minor injuries. Most observers of the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, which had overthrown Marxist President Salvador Allende in 1973 and jailed and then exiled Letelier, Allende's defense minister, pinned the crime on the Chilean despot, and the Departments of Justice and State came to the same conclusion within a few years. The assassination remains to this day the only instance of state-sponsored terrorism in Washington. In the 1970s and 1980s, it spawned several criminal lawsuits in the United States and Chile, the most important of which was not settled until 1995, and remnants of which continue to this day. In Chile, the case also inspired a wave of legal activism against impunity for human rights violations.

2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-382
Author(s):  
MICK GIDLEY

Marcus Cunliffe (1922–1990) was incontestably an important figure in American studies. In the early part of his academic career he helped to found the subject area in Britain, and he was later both awarded professorial appointments at the Universities of Manchester and Sussex and elected to the chairmanship of the British Association for American Studies, from which positions he served as a personal inspiration and professional mentor to several “generations” of UK American studies academics. Those who knew him and worked with him were invariably struck by his tall good looks, charisma and charm – characteristics that no doubt also contributed to his successful career, in Britain and in the United States, first as a visiting scholar, and later, during his final years, as the occupant of an endowed chair at George Washington University in Washington, DC. As the correspondence in his papers attest, he was held in high – and warm – regard by many of the leading US historians of his heyday. More might be said about his charm here because it also permeates his writing and persists there as a kind of afterglow, and not only for those who encountered him in person – but this essay is a critical reconsideration of his published work that, though appreciative, at least aspires towards objectivity.


Author(s):  
John Charlot

That the Mexican mural renaissance is understudied is clear from the fact than not one of its artists has been the subject of a scholarly biography. Moreover, the movement as a whole has usually been viewed through nationalist prejudices and partisan interpretations. A current reevaluation uses the wedge of several hitherto marginalized artists who figure more prominently in documents and chronology than in popular history. Among them, Jean Charlot can be placed securely at the beginning of several major developments, which were continuations of his work in France. At the open air art school of Coyoacán, he helped the young teachers move from impressionism to a geometry-based postimpressionism more appropriate for mural composition. He introduced woodcut, which he had practiced in France and which became the print medium of choice for generations of Mexican artists. His first mural, The Massacre in the Main Temple, was important for its successful use of fresco—immediately adopted as the preferred medium by other muralists—and its dynamic geometric composition, an alternative to Diego Rivera’s static classicism in Creation. Charlot further broadened the thematic and stylistic options of the movement in a series of small oils and in the first studies of the indigenous nude. He continued to nourish his colleagues with the results of his work as an archeological draughtsman at the Chichen Itza expedition of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, DC. Charlot also participated in the notable collaboration between artists and writers in 1920s Mexico. Along with Manuel Maples Arce, he was on the two-man Direction Committee of the estridentista movement, illustrating books of poetry and joining group exhibitions. His writings are among the earliest discussions of contemporary Mexican art—publicizing the movement in Europe and the United States—and continue to influence interpretation today. His collections of documents and interviews, as well as his personal experience, became the invaluable basis of books like his The Mexican Mural Renaissance, 1920–1925 and numerous articles in several languages. His latest bibliography is 173 pages long. Charlot fulfilled the unique role of insider-outsider, participant-observer, in the Mexican mural renaissance.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-171

The bipartisan commission's 565-page report was issued after many months of investigating, reviewing documents, interviewing hundreds of individuals, and hearing testimony. Much of the material concerning the actual planning of the attacks comes from captured al-Qa‘‘ida operatives, and particularly from the man identified in the report as the ““principal architect of the 9/11 attacks,”” Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KSM), a Kuwaiti national raised in Pakistan who earned a degree in mechanical engineering in the United States. The report notes (p. 147) that according ““to his own account, KSM's animus toward the United States stemmed not from his experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel.”” The following brief excerpts touch upon the importance attached to U.S. policy toward Israel in generating the attacks. The references are both in the narrative body of the report and in the more prescriptive chapter ““What to Do?? A Global Strategy,”” where the commission offers suggestions on how the United States can ““Prevent the Continued Growth of Islamist Terrorism””; the paragraph excerpted from this forty-page chapter is the only reference to the impact of U.S. policy with regard to Israel. The excerpts appear respectively on pp. 250, 362, and 376––77 of the report. The full report is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office online at www.gpoaccess.gov/911.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Antonio Vieira ◽  
Helton Ricardo Ouriques

In this paper we examine the BRICS by focusing on one of its member states: Brazil. More specifically, we focus on the relationship between Brazilian foreign policy under President Lula (2003-2010), U.S. hegemonic decline, and the commodity boom that provided economic resources to sustain Brazil’s position in world politics. With the world financial crisis of 2008, Lula’s belle époque came to an end. Without the abundant resources of commodity exports, Lula’s successor, Dilma Rousseff, tried unsuccessfully to combat the economic slowdown by further strengthening the economic role of the state. With this expansionist economic policy, she was elected for a second term in office, but immediately embraced the previous orthodox economic policies, what coupled with lack of support from the Congress, threw the government into crisis. As a result, not only has the political economy of Brazil re-aligned with the interests of financial capital, but also its foreign policy has returned to its historical alignment with the United States. Our contention is that the BRICS will soon be of no relevance to Brazil.


2020 ◽  
pp. 16-45
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres

This chapter discusses the role of the U.S. embassy in Santiago in the Chilean presidential election of 1964. One of the leading candidates in the race, Salvador Allende, was an avowed Marxist and the standard-bearer of the Popular Action Front (FRAP), a coalition of Socialists and Communists formed in 1958. Allende's main contender was Eduardo Frei Montalva, the undisputed leader of the Christian Democratic Party. For the United States, an Allende victory in the presidential election would entail a huge setback in the Western Hemisphere. Thus, the United States supported the candidacy of Eduardo Frei, whose project seemed an excellent alternative to the revolutionary path proposed by the Marxist Left and a good representation of the goals and values of the Alliance for Progress. The U.S. ambassador in Chile, Charles Cole, and more so the political staff of the embassy in Santiago, played an important role in shaping the race and advising the main chiefs of Eduardo Frei's political campaign, and even Frei himself, in the course of 1964. The mostly untold story of the U.S. embassy's involvement in the 1964 presidential race is an excellent example of the way in which U.S. foreign policy was carried out on the ground and, in many situations, in the open.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-174
Author(s):  
A. L. Chute

IN NO FIELD has medical opinion reversed itself so completely as in that of blood letting versus blood replacement. A short time ago while visiting the reconstructed colonial town of Williamsburg, one saw the tools of the old barber surgeons. A copy of a manuscript on the wall stated that George Washington was bled on several occasions during his terminal illness, without seeming benefit. In this paper, I would like to emphasize some of the ills of blood replacement rather than withdrawal. Due to the impetus given by life-saving transfusions during the war, blood transfusion has become universally available in all parts of the country. This has not proved an unmixed blessing, however, for the dangers associated with blood transfusion have also been greatly multiplied thereby. The factors which give rise to these dangers are as follows: 1) those associated with donor; 2) those associated with stored blood; 3) those associated with act of transfusion; 4) those associated with recipient. 1. Factors Associated with Donor 1. Homologous serum jaundice. 2. Allergic reactions. 3. Transmission of tropical and other infections. The danger of transmitting the virus which causes jaundice is greater than may be realized, and is rebated to the incidence of the carrier state in the population. The incidence in the general population has been estimated as from 0.1% to 0.5% to 0.35%. In one Army Camp in the United States it was found to be as high as 5%. As one might expect the danger of transmission is greatest the more recently the donor has had jaundice, but some work in Germany suggests that even 6 years or more after having hepatitis, donors may transmit the virus to 3.6% of recipients.


2020 ◽  
pp. 116-140
Author(s):  
Jeff Levin

Chapter 6 features descriptions of the most established academic institutes, centers, and programs for medical education and research on religion, faith, and spirituality in healthcare and healing. Beginning with the first program, established at Baylor in Houston, in the 1950s, these efforts continue through the present day. Current academic programs are described at leading universities including Duke, Emory, Harvard, Chicago, George Washington, and elsewhere. The specialized emphases and ongoing contributions of these respective programs and their directors, including Harold Koenig, are described in depth. The chapter also relates the key role of Dave Larson and John Templeton in institutionalizing content on religion and spirituality within undergraduate and graduate medical education in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Coelho de Souza Almeida

In September 11, 1973, the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende died in a confrontation with the army, led by General Augusto Pinochet. After the coup, a great shift in social and economic policies occurred, dismantling all the measures taken by the popular government and by its moderate antecessors as well. Recognizing the Chicago Boys as the organic intellectuals of neoliberalism in Chile, we describe how they were a key element to transform Chilean society in the attempt to form a Historical Block after Salvador Allende’s overthrown. This Gramscian perspective allows us to consider not only the ideological, but also the role of class struggle.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Walker

The assassination of Orlando Letelier, former Chilean ambassador to the United States, by Chilean agents on the streets of Washington, DC, in September 1976 became a rallying point for human rights advocates against the Chilean junta led by Augusto Pinochet. By 1979, ongoing conflicts over Letelier’s assassination — part of the Carter administration’s larger campaign to promote human rights — brought US-Chilean relations to their nadir. Further, the administration’s handling of the crisis alienated some of its strongest domestic supporters, calling into question its commitment to human rights. Letelier’s assassination thus reveals the tensions and paradoxes that marked the Carter administration’s human rights agenda in Latin America and beyond: tensions between effecting change and respecting sovereignty, between high expectations and limited influence, between public affirmation of principle and competing national interests. This article examines how the Carter administration sought to use human rights to move away from the US legacy of intervention and hegemony in the Western Hemisphere, as well as the limits of such a policy.


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