scholarly journals Reconstructing phonological change: duration and syllable structure in Latin vowel reduction

Phonology ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ranjan Sen

During the fixed initial-stress period of Latin (sixth to fifth centuries BC), internal open syllable vowels were totally neutralised, usually raising to /i/ (*per.fa.ki.oː>perficiō ‘I complete’), whereas in closed syllables /a/ was raised to /e/, but the other vowels remained distinct (*per.fak.tos>perfectus ‘completed’). Miller (1972) explains closed syllable resistance by positing internal secondary stress on closed syllables. However, evidence from vowel reduction and syncope suggest that internal syllables never bore stress in early archaic times. A typologically unusual alternative is proposed: contrary to the pattern normally found (Maddieson 1985), vowels had longer duration in closed syllables than in open syllables, as in Turkish and Finnish, thus permitting speakers to attain the targets for non-high vowels in closed syllables. This durational pattern is manifested not only in vowel reduction, but also in the quantitative changes seen in ‘classical’ and ‘inverse’ compensatory lengthenings, the development CVːCV > CVC and ‘superheavy’ degemination (VːCCV > VːCV).

Author(s):  
Robert W. Murray

This paper has two purposes. The first is to focus attention on the gradient nature of sound change. This characteristic of sound change, although an important one, is often overlooked. King (1969: 122), for example, states: “Phonological changes tend to affect natural classes of sounds (p, t, k, high vowels, voiced stops) because rules that affect natural classes are simpler than rules that apply only to single segments.” This perspective obscures the generalization pattern of phonological processes, for a particular process typically affects a subsection of a natural class and then may (or may not) generalize to other members of the particular class or even to other classes. The second purpose of this paper is to account for selected cases of gradient phonological change in Italian and other Romance languages on the basis of a partial theory of syllable structure preferences.


1974 ◽  
Vol 52 (10) ◽  
pp. 838-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Nwagwu ◽  
John Lianga

As a prelude to an analysis of the dependence of muscle protein synthesis on aminoacyl tRNA's, we have investigated the rates of seryl-tRNA formation, in vitro, by aminoacylating systems isolated from 11-, 14-, and 17-day chick embryonic muscle. The results show that the combination of 14-day tRNA and 14-day aminoacyl synthetase is the most efficient in seryl-tRNA formation. We have also studied the qualitative and quantitative changes in seryl-tRNA prepared from 11-, 14-, and 17-day embryonic chick muscle by chromatography of seryl-tRNA on benzoylated DEAE-cellulose columns. The results show that, although there are no qualitative differences in the chromatographic patterns of seryl-tRNA from the different ages, there are significant quantitative differences between the patterns for 11-day and 17-day seryl-tRNA on the one hand, and the pattern for 14-day seryl-tRNA on the other.


Diachronica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheri Pargman

SUMMARY Hypercorrection, as it has traditionally been defined in historical linguistics, is often described as a sporadic and irregular performance error that does not affect the structure of a language in any sort of systematic or lasting way. In this article, evidence is presented from the South Dravidian family of languages to show that such an assumption cannot be supported in all cases. Early in the history of this family, a phonological change involving umlaut operated to lower high vowels in root syllables before a low-vowel suffix. However, in one of the languages of this family, Literary Tamil, a subsequent change occurred whereby the effects of umlaut were reversed, and the resultant new pattern was hypercorrectively extended to new environments that did not originally contain the appropriate conditioning for the change. So widespread was the overextension of the pattern that its outcome was virtually identical to the outcome of a regular, phonetically-conditioned sound law. This suggests not only a reformulation of the importance of hypercorrection in bringing about significant linguistic change, but also a reconsideration of the role accorded to phonetic factors as the only means through which exceptionless phonological change can be effected. RÉSUMÉ L'hypercorrection, selon la définition traditionnelle qu'en donne la linguistique historique, est une erreur sporadique et irrégulière qui ne concerne que la parole et qui n'a pas de conséquences systématiques ou permanentes pour ce qui est la structure de la langue. Cet article présente pourtant des données linguistiques de la famille sud-dravidienne qui montrent qu'en fait cette supposition ne tient pas toujours. Tout au début dans l'histoire de cette famille, un changement métaphonique a eu lieu dont le résultat a été l'abaissement d'une voyelle haute dans une syllabe de racine devant un suffixe comprenant une voyelle basse. Toutefois, dans une des langues de cette famille, le tamoul littéraire, un changement s'est produit plus tard, renversant les effets de la métaphonie, et par lequel la nouvelle distribution phonologique qui résultait du renversement s'étendait par hypercorrection aux mots qui n'avaient pas ä l'origine les conditions nécessaires pour subir le changement métapho-nique. L'hyperextension de cette nouvelle distribution phonologique a été si générale dans la langue que ses effets sont pratiquement identiques ä ceux d'un changement phonique régulier et attendu. Ces données mènent ä revoir l'importance de l'hypercorrection dans l'introduction de changements linguistiques importants, et ä repenser le rôle des facteurs phonétiques comme seul moyen d'arriver aux changements phonologiques sans exceptions. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Hyperkorrektion, ihrer traditionellen Stellung innerhalb der histori-schen Sprachwissenschaft zufolge, wird oft als ein sporadischer, unregelmäs-siger Performanzfehler beschrieben, der keine systematische, dauernde Wir-kung auf die Struktur einer Sprache ausube. In diesem Beitrag werden Fakten aus der süddravidischen Sprachfamilie vorgelegt, die die Unannehmbarkeit einer allgemeinen Gültigkeit dieser Auffassung beweisen. In der frühen Ge-schichte dieser Familie fand nämlich ein Lautwandel statt, der den hohen Vokal einer Wurzelsilbe niedrig werden liess, wenn diese einem Suffix, der einen niedrigen Vokal enthielt, voranging. In einem Mitglied dieser Sprachfamilie — der tamilischen Schriftsprache — hat aber eine spätere Entwick-lung die Ergebnisse des Umlautwandels beseitigt, und danach ist ein daraus resultierendes Muster entstanden, das durch Hyperkorrektion nun in neuen Umgebungen verbreitet worden ist, die die urspriinglich zutreffende Bedin-gung nicht besassen. So verallgemeinert wurde dièse iibertriebene Ausdeh-nung des Musters, daß ihr Ergebnis wie das Ergebnis eines regelmässigen, phonetisch bedingten Lautwandels — zumindest der äußeren Erscheinung nach — aussah. Daraus lässt sich schliessen, dass die Bedeutung der Hyperkorrektion bei der Sprachentwicklung, sowie die Rolle der phonetischen Fak-toren, die man im allgemeinen fur das einzige Mittel hait, durch das ein aus-nahmsloser Lautwandel statt findet — eine neue Einschätzung verdienen.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Meeks ◽  
Laura L. Carstensen ◽  
Brenda-Fay Tamsky ◽  
Thomas L. Wright ◽  
David Pellegrini

Previous research suggests that elderly people utilize fewer coping strategies than younger people. Some researchers suggest that these quantitative changes reflect decreases in the use of maladaptive strategies; others contend that they reflect decreases in the use of adaptive strategies by older adults. The present article reports the findings of three studies of coping in older people, two addressing coping with health problems, and the other addressing coping with moving. In all three studies, the number of self-reported coping strategies decreases with age. Results do not support the idea that decreases in the number of strategies imply decrements in the quality of coping, however: in two studies, age was unrelated to the effectiveness of strategies, in the third, effectiveness ratings were higher for older subjects. The need for evaluation of specific outcomes of coping strategies is discussed, along with the need for task-specific measurement of coping. It is proposed that decreases in the number of coping strategies reflect improved coping efficiency, rather than a deterioration of adaptational skills.


Early China ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
K. Takashima

The recent attempt by Professor David S. Nivison to show that (= yu )/ yu in early Archaic Chinese functioned as a “pronominal” word encourages one to think that the language of bone inscriptions, though arcane and difficult, is, after all, manageable, and that it may be used to understand the later, more evolved language, rather than the other way around. The various arguments in his theory are both well presented and accompanied by rich and meticulous documentation from inscriptions and from pre-Classical texts.Nivison takes the word yu as a pronominal adjective, variously rendered, according to the context, as “his,” “her,” “our,” “your,” “their,” “the,” “there,” “some,” “of it/them,” “about it,” and “in this matter.” These context-sensitive renditions are possible because yu is construed as a word whose grammatical functions, rather than its fixed meaning, are realized in these various readings. One major contribution of Nivison is that he has shown that the word yu, in certain contexts, functioned attributively. Whether it also did or did not function “pronominally” is the topic with which this paper is concerned primarily.


Diachronica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Richard Page

SUMMARY This investigation of Germanic Verscharfung distinguishes between two types of phonological change. Sound change affects only the phonetic features of a segment whereas prosodic change consists of a change in the rhythmic structure of a language. The fixing of initial stress in Germanic is a prosodic change which conditions the gemination of intervocalic glides following short, previously unstressed vowels. However, the gemination of glides is irregular since prosodic change is phonetically abrupt but lexically gradual and may therefore lead to irregular changes on the segmental level. In contrast, the second stage of Germanic Verschärfung, the fortition of geminate glides to geminate obstruents in East and North Germanic, is an exceptionless sound change in which [-consonantal] becomes [+consonantal]. RÉSUMÉ Cette enquête de la Verschärfung germanique distingue entre deux types de changement phonologique. Tandis que le changement phonétique n'affecte que les caractéristiques phonétiques d'un segment, le changement prosodique transforme la structure rythmique d'une langue. L'introduction de l'accent initial dans la langue germanique est un changement prosodique qui entraîne la gémination des sons transitoires intervocaliques après une voyelle courte préalablement non-accentuée. Cependant, la gémination des sons transitoires est irrégulière, étant donné que le changement prosodique est phonétiquement abrupte, mais lexicalement graduel. Pour cette raison, le changement prosodique peut entraîner un changement irrégulier au niveau du segment. Par contre, la deuxième phase de la Verschärfung germanique, la transformation des sons transitoires géminés en occlusives géminées dans la langue germanique orientale et septentrionale, constitue un changement phonétique sans exception dans lequel [-consonne] devient [+consonne]. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In dieser Untersuchung der germanischen Verschärfung werden zwei Arten von phonologischem Wandel unterschieden. Lautwandel betrifft nur die phonetischen Merkmale eines Segments, wahrend prosodischer Wandel die rhythmische Struktur einer Sprache verandert. Die Einführung des Initialakzents im Germanischen ist ein prosodischer Wandel, der die Verdop-pelung zwischenvokalischer Gleitlaute herbeiführt, wenn der vorangehende Vokal kurz und vorher unbetont war. Die Verdoppelung von Gleitlauten ist jedoch unregelmäßig, denn prosodischer Wandel ist phonetisch abrupt aber lexikalisch graduell. Deswegen kann prosodischer Wandel zu unregel-mäBigem Wandel auf der segmentalen Ebene führen. Andererseits ist die zweite Phase der Verschärfung, die Verstärkung von verdoppelten Gleitlauten zu verdoppelten Obstruenten im Ost- und Nordgermanischen, ein ausnahms-loser Lautwandel, in dem [-konsonantisch] zu [+konsonantisch] wird.


Early China ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Shepherd Nivision

1. The word yu in Classical Chinese usually has the apparent meaning of the existential quantifier in logic, and the grammatical functin of a transitive verb. (That is, e.g., in Nan jen yu yen … … “Among the southern people there is a saying…,” the word yen “saying” is the grammatical object of yu, and if we substitute a pronoun the substitute has to be the object pronoun chih.) Yu also is used in a noun phrase before a group name or general term, and the analysis of its syntax and meaning in this use is the problem that motivates this paper. The use is rare except before dynasty names, where it has continued to the present, e.g., yu Yin, yu Ming, etc. The analysis of this latter use has been disputed by Chinese grammarians for the past three centuries. Two interpretations have emerged. At present, one interpretation appears to be accepted by prominent Chinese linguists and philologists, while the other is generally followed by the leading Western translators of early texts.


Phonology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Ritchart ◽  
Sharon Rose

This paper describes and analyses the vowel-harmony system of the Kordofanian language Moro. Moro has a cross-height dominant-recessive raising harmony system in which high vowels and a central mid vowel trigger harmony, while peripheral mid vowels and a central low vowel are harmony targets. Schwas can co-occur with any of the vowels, appearing inert to harmony. Yet when schwas occur alone in a morpheme, some trigger harmony and some do not. We suggest that an original ATR-harmony system shifted to a height system via merger and centralisation, producing two distinct central vowels, rather than a single schwa. One vowel patterns with the higher vowels in triggering harmony, and the other patterns with the lower vowels. We also propose that a particle-based representation offers the best characterisation of the groupings of target and trigger vowels in the language.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 894-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
William R. Tiffany

Paragraphs with controlled phonetic structures were matched to similarly structured diadochokinetic (Maximum Repetition Rate) tasks in an effort to devise a more valid measurement for (1) assessing possible relationships between diadochokinesis and speech rate, and (2) evaluating the effects on articulation rates of such structural variables as number of consonants in a syllable, and alternating versus simple syllable repetitions. Highly stable results were obtained, suggesting the possibility of a sharp neurophysiological or biomechanical barrier which varies markedly among presumably normal speakers. Maximum repetition rates were poor predictors of normal reading rate performance. On the other hand, normal reading rates were found to be approximately the same as the maximum repetition rates—about 13.5 phones per second. The inference is that normal speech is not, as commonly supposed, obviously slower than maximum rates of syllable articulation, for equivalent syllables. The major source of variation in syllable rate measures was simply the number of phones in a syllable. The effects of articulatory place and manner appeared relatively trivial by comparison.


Author(s):  
Samson Alexander Lotven ◽  
Kelly Harper Berkson

Zophei is an undescribed Tibeto-Burman language within the Kuki-Chin family. Originally spoken in the Chin Hills of Western Myanmar, approximately 4,000 Zophei-speaking refugees now live in Central Indiana. No previous research on Zophei exists. The speakers located in Indiana who identify as ethnically Zophei hail from 14 distinct villages, and it is not yet known how many dialects or languages are represented. As part of a larger effort to kick-start a research program on Zophei, the current study presents vowel spaces for two speakers, one from Tlawngrang and one from Lawngtlang. Differences with regard to the number and distribution of high vowels and diphthongs indicate that these two areas speak different varieties with markedly different phonologies. For example, where one speaker has an /ui/ diphthong the other speaker consistently has the front rounded monophthong /y/. This research contributes to our ultimate goal, which is to determine the dialectal make-up of Zophei and to develop a description of the language or languages spoken by the ethnic Zophei population in Indiana.  


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