scholarly journals Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
CEZAR STANCIU
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Meeting ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
Nicolae Ceausescu

AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemned by an international meeting of Communist parties between 1967 and 1969. His basic ideological argument was that unity of world communism should have a polycentric meaning.

CRIMEA AND THE BLACK SEA REGION IN THE POLITICAL PICTURE OF THE WORLD OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES OF UKRAINE EXPERTS (BASED ON ANALYTICAL REPORTS TO THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGES TO THE VERKHOVNA RADA)

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
OLEG V. Donetsk National University ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Parallel Structure ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The Political ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Strategic Studies

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.

scholarly journals The political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Romania (1935-1940)

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Dalia Bukelevičiūtė
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Set Up

The first contacts between Lithuanian and Romanian representatives started after the World War I when Lithuania was looking for the protection of her inhabitants who were still refugees in Russia. As Russia became entrenched with Bolshevism, the Lithuanian citizens were evacuated through Romanian territory from South Ukraine and Crimea. Lithuania and Czechoslovakia established diplomatic relations in December 1919 and eventually an attempt was made to set up ties also with Romania. As a member of the Little Entente and an ally of Poland, Romania drew the attention of the Lithuanian government. Romania recognized Lithuania de jure on August 21, 1924 and Dovas Zaunius was appointed the first Lithuanian envoy to Bucharest. Nevertheless, during the next decade no political or diplomatic contacts between Lithuania and Romania existed. With the growing influence of Germany, the Soviet Union and the Little Entente on the international arena, Edvardas Turauskas was appointed on August 27, 1935 as envoy to Romania residing in Prague and later in the year Romania accredited ConstantinValimarescu for the position of envoy to Lithuania residing in Riga. The dialogue between the two parties remained, however, occasional. When on July 21, 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union, Turauskas visited the Romanian Legation in Bern and presented a note of protest in this respect. Romania did not acknowledge Lithuanian occupation and annexation.

Latin America and the Soviet-Chinese Conflict (the 1960s – mid-1970s)

2021 ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
New Left ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

The disagreements and rupture between the Chinese Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) were the most important event in the history of the International Communist Movement in the 60s and 70s of the 20th century, which had a huge impact on the fate of communist parties around the world. Latin America has become a place of fierce rivalry between Moscow and Beijing for influence on the political left flank. Moscow's tough opposition to any attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to increase its influence in the continent's communist parties without resorting to splitting them caused a backlash and a change in the policy of criticism within the parties to a policy of secession of independent “anti-revisionist” communist parties. Maoist communist parties emerged in all countries of the continent, opposing their policies to the pro-Moscow left parties. Maoism was able to penetrate not only the old communist movement but also the ranks of socialists, leftist nationalists and even Christian democrats. It often became the ideological and political basis for a break with the “traditional” left parties, a kind of transit bridge towards the “new left”. The ideas of Maoism were partly accepted by the trend of the “new left”, which gained special weight among the intelligentsia and students of the continent. This article is devoted to the emergence and development of the Maoist Communist Parties, the reaction of Moscow and Havana in the political circumstances of Latin America in the 60s of the 20th century.

The impact of the regional factor in the democratic transition A comparative study between the experiences of Spain 1975 and Iraq 2003

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luqman Raheem ◽  
Nasir Durid
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Regional Factor

The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.

The Balance of Power in The World in March 1939

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Martin Wight
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
The World ◽  
Perceived Security ◽  
Triangular Relationship

This essay surveys the political fluidity and antagonism in the triangular relationship among the main power groupings in March 1939—the Soviet Union, the Axis Powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan), and the Western Powers (Britain and France above all). Rather than focusing on their military capabilities and combat options, the essay concentrates on the ideas expressed in each camp—in the Western Powers, interest in the rule of law and constitutionalism; in the Axis Powers, ambitions for territorial acquisitions and increased might; and in the Soviet Union, the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary vision. In conjunction with this three-cornered dialogue, the essay examines factors in addition to ideas that influenced decision-making, including greed, coercion, resentments, power pressures, national egoisms, dependence on allies, and perceived security imperatives. Three combinations were hypothetically possible: a Nazi–Soviet alliance, a Soviet–Western alliance, or a Nazi–Western alliance. In August 1939, Nazi Germany offered the Soviet Union a non-aggression pact that enabled Moscow to seize territories in Eastern Europe and to limit its immediate involvement in combat. Nazi Germany’s attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941 brought about a Soviet–Western alliance determined to defeat the Axis, despite the chasm between Soviet totalitarianism and Western democracy.

IX

2018 ◽  
pp. 355-368
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Party System

This chapter is an addendum to Sahajanand’s main narrative which ended with imprisonment in April 1940. He actually wrote this part during 1946 to make his narrative up to date. He differed with the Congress decision to launch the Quit India Movement in August 1942 as he felt the situation had radically changed with Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union. The world in general and India in particular was faced with the prospect of the fascist menace. It was during this phase that most of the political parties emerged from the Kisan Sabha and the Communist Party of India tried to take over the All India Kisan Sabha. Sahajanand became very critical of the political party system and reiterated his final decision never to join any political party. His narrative ends with a reference to the Dumraon struggle against the Dumraon Raja.

1936

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Rees
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
Socialist State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Policies ◽  
The World ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
History Of

The year 1936 was a momentous one in the history of communism. This was a time of acute uncertainty and fear, during which the Soviet Union and international communist movement faced unprecedented challenges. This article examines the attempts to build a socialist state in Russia, and to follow new international policies of collective security and the building of popular front alliances. Particular attention is given to the principal developments of the year—the internal crisis in the Soviet Union, the Chinese and Spanish civil wars, the Popular Front in France, the origins of the Great Terror—but also to the more everyday experiences of communists around the world.

The Continuation of Nationalism in Romanian Historiography1

1978 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Scientific Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
Political Realities

Romanian historiography since 1944 has accurately reflected the political realities that have faced the Romanian Communist Party both its relations with the Soviet Union and its plans for the “socialist transformation” of Romania. Since the Romanian communists have based their claims to legitimacy on historical rather than on ideological considerations from as early as the “liberation of Romania from fascism,” which occurred on August 23, 1944, the essential task of Romanian historiography has been to provide a “scientific basis” for validating the varying claims advanced by leaders of the Romanian communist movement in search of legitimacy.

scholarly journals The Myth of the New Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. 2050008
Author(s):  
Guo Shuyong ◽  
Li Boran
Keyword(s):  
Risk Management ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Basis ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Potential Risks ◽  
The Cold War

With the changes of international order and the deterioration of China–US relations, it has been argued that a new Cold War is approaching. However, this view does not comprehensively consider the differences between the current world and the world during the Cold War era. In fact, the political and economic basis of a new Cold War is far from mature, and China and America have gained abundant experiences of risk management. In addition, China is also very different from the Soviet Union. All of these elements determined that China and US will not necessarily have a new Cold War. However, some potential risks that may push China and US crash with each other should be carefully considered.

scholarly journals Mongolian-Russian political relations :

2020 ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Nyamdoljin Adiya
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

The author has been studied modern Mongolian-Russian political relations since the beginning of the 1990s when the world political situation changed dramatically and the Soviet Union collapsed. Mongolian-Russian relations during the transition to democracy and market economy were analyzed on the basis of agreements between two countries. The weakening of Mongolian-Russian relations in the 1990s is a step-by-step analysis of the political and economic situation in the two countries, the processes and changes in foreign policy, and the factors that hindered the proper development of relations. The author traces the revival of Mongolian-Russian relations in 2000 and the relationship between the two countries, which has reached the level of a comprehensive strategic partnership, does not reflect the level of Russia's policy towards Mongolia. Монгол-Оросын улс төрийн харилцаа: Монголын эдийн засаг ба төмөр замын хөгжилд нөлөөлөх нь Хураангуй: Монгол-Оросын орчин цагийн улс төрийн харилцааг дэлхийн улс төрийн байдалд гарсан огцом өөрчлөлт болон ЗХУ задарсан XX зууны 90-ээд оны эхэн үеэс эхлэн судалж,  ардчилал, зах зээлийн эдийн засагт шилжих шилжилтийн үед Монгол-Оросын харилцааг хоёр орны хооронд байгуулагдсан гэрээ, хэлэлцээрийг үндэслэн судлан шинжиллээ. 90-ээд онуудад Монгол-Оросын  харилцаа сулран саарсан асуудлыг хоёр орны улс төр, эдийн засгийн байдал, гадаад бодлогод холбогдох үйл явц, өөрчлөлтийг үе шаттайгаар задлан үзэж, харилцааг зохих түвшинд хөгжүүлэхэд саад болсон хүчин зүйлүүдийг илрүүлэн судалсан болно. Монгол-Оросын харилцаа сэргэсэн үеийг 2000 оноор зааглан авч үзэж, эдүгээ иж бүрэн стратегийн түншлэлийн түвшинд хүрээд байгаа хоёр орны харилцаа, тус түвшинг илэрхийлэх хэмжээнд хүрэхгүй байгааг ОХУ-ын Монголын талаарх баримталж ирсэн бодлого хэр оновчтой байсан ба алдаа нь юунд байсныг судлахыг зорив. Түлхүүр үгс: Монгол, Оросын харилцаа, улс төр, эдийн засгийн харилцаа, ашиг сонирхол

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