Pediatric Casualties during the Civil Conflict in the Republic of Georgia 22 November–5 December 1991

1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irakli T. Metreveli ◽  
Arno Vosk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Leader ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Civil War in GeorgiaOn 9 April 1991, the Republic of Georgia proclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union. Sviat Gamsakhurdia, an anti-communist leader of the Georgian Nationalist movement, was elected President by an overwhelming majority. Soon after the election, however, Gamsakhurdia's popularity began to plummet. He was accused of suppressing any opposition, and he and his supporters accused the opposition of being in league with Moscow and seeking to sabotage Georgian independence. Demonstrators in Tbilisi, the capital city, demanded the resignation of the new government, and the government relied increasingly upon armed forces to maintain power.

Recent Public Discourses on Anti-Jewish Violence in Moldovan History, 1991–2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-100
Author(s):  
Anastasia Felcher
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Local Media ◽  
Public Recognition ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Anti Jewish

Abstract Efforts to commemorate the victims of the 1903 Chişinǎu (Kishinev) pogrom and the Holocaust in Bessarabia and Transnistria have achieved varying degrees of success in the Republic of Moldova. Gaining public recognition for these experiences has proven a convoluted process. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the local Community has led an enduring memorialization campaign, which has steadily evolved with the shifting political climate. Though Community representatives have at times had a fraught relationship with Moldovan officials, they have continuously sought official acknowledgment of their efforts. This article analyzes how both the government and the Jewish Community have handled memory in public spaces and the local media of Chişinǎu.

Cuban Military and Politics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge I. Domínguez
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Deviant Behavior ◽  
Hybrid Approach ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Cuba’s Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), founded in 1959, have been among the world’s most successful military. In the early 1960s, they defended the new revolutionary regime against all adversaries during years when Cuba was invaded at the Bay of Pigs in 1961, faced nuclear Armageddon in 1962, and experienced a civil war that included U.S. support for regime opponents. From 1963 to 1991, the FAR served the worldwide objectives of a small power that sought to behave as if it were a major world power. Cuba deployed combat troops overseas for wars in support of Algeria (1963), Syria (1973), Angola (1975–1991), and Ethiopia (1977–1989). Military advisers and some combat troops served in smaller missions in about two dozen countries the world over. Altogether, nearly 400,000 Cuban troops served overseas. Throughout those years, the FAR also worked significantly to support Cuba’s economy, especially in the 1960s and again since the early 1990s following the Soviet Union’s collapse. Uninterruptedly, officers and troops have been directly engaged in economic planning, management, physical labor, and production. In the mid-1960s, the FAR ran compulsory labor camps that sought to turn homosexuals into heterosexuals and to remedy the alleged socially deviant behavior of these and others, as well. During the Cold War years, the FAR deepened Cuba’s alliance with the Soviet Union, deterred a U.S. invasion by signaling its cost for U.S. troops, and since the early 1990s developed confidence-building practices collaborating with U.S. military counterparts to prevent an accidental military clash. Following false starts and experimentation, the FAR settled on a model of joint civilian-military governance that has proved durable: the civic soldier. The FAR and the Communist Party of Cuba are closely interpenetrated at all levels and together endeavored to transform Cuban society, economy, and politics while defending state and regime. Under this hybrid approach, military officers govern large swaths of military and civilian life and are held up as paragons for soldiers and civilians, bearers of revolutionary traditions and ideology. Thoroughly politicized military are well educated as professionals in political, economic, managerial, engineering, and military affairs; in the FAR, officers with party rank and training, not outsider political commissars, run the party-in-the-FAR. Their civilian and military roles were fused, especially during the 1960s, yet they endured into the 21st century. Fused roles make it difficult to think of civilian control over the military or military control over civilians. Consequently, political conflict between “military” and “civilians” has been rare and, when it has arisen (often over the need for, and the extent of, military specialization for combat readiness), it has not pitted civilian against military leaders but rather cleaved the leadership of the FAR, the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), and the government. Intertwined leaderships facilitate cadre exchanges between military and nonmilitary sectors. The FAR enter their seventh decade smaller, undersupplied absent the Soviet Union, less capable of waging war effectively, and more at risk of instances of corruption through the activities of some of their market enterprises. Yet the FAR remain both an effective institution in a polity that they have helped to stabilize and proud of their accomplishments the world over.

Loes Nas on Kate Delaney and Andrzej Antoszek

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
South African ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
African Experience ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Economic Imperialism ◽  
The U.S

This essay is a response to the essay “Americanization and Anti-Americanism in Poland: A Case Study, 1945-2006.” The author argues that Poland, Georgia, and South Africa tend to echo each other, even though they are arguably very different countries. It stresses that Poland and the Republic of Georgia, for example, were both subjected to Soviet influence and that this had consequences over the years in their views of the U.S. Nas is quite interested in Delaney and Antoszek’s argument that Poland is the least anti-American country in Europe, and suggests that it might be better to examine those attitudes as attitudes expressed above ground or underground. The essay also contemplates the possibility that Poland had more freedom than Georgia because it was never a formal part of the Soviet Union. And it contemplates the South African experience which highlights U.S. economic imperialism, even though Chinese influence now also needs to be examined.

General Assembly

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-165 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Plenary Meeting ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Congo Brazzaville ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus

The first part of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly met at UN Headquarters from September 20 through December 20, 1960, when it was adjourned. The second part of the session was to open on March 7, 1961. At the opening plenary meeting, Mr. Frederick R. Boland (Ireland) was elected President of the session, having obtained 46 votes out of a possible 80. At the same meeting, the Assembly's 864th, the following fourteen countries were admitted to membership in the UN: the Republic of Cameroun, the Togolese Republic, the Malagasy Republic, the Republic of Somalia, the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville), the Republic of Dahomey, the Republic of the Niger, the Republic of Upper Volta, the Republic of the Ivory Coast, the Republic of Chad, the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), the Republic of Gabon, the Central African Republic, and the Republic of Cyprus. At the 876th plenary meeting, the Republics of Senegal and Mali were admitted to membership, as was the Federation of Nigeria at the 893 d meeting, thereby bringing the total membership of the UN to 99. A special report of the Security Council on the subject of the admission to membership of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, considered by the Assembly at its 954th meeting, noted the failure of the Council to recommend Mauritania for admission; the Assembly decided to postpone indefinitely further consideration of the question. At its 895th plenary meeting, the Assembly adopted by a vote of 42 to 34, with 22 abstentions, the recomementation contained in the report of the General Committee that the Assembly reject the request of the Soviet Union for the inclusion in its agenda of the question of the representation of China in the UN, and decided not to consider at its fifteenth session any proposals to exclude the representatives of the government of the Republic of China (Nationalist) or to seat representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China (Communist). With regard to the representation in the UN of the Congo (Leopoldville), the General Assembly, at its 924th meeting, adopted by 53 votes to 24, with 19 abstentions, the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Committee in its report; the Assembly thereby accepted the credentials issued by the head of state (President Joseph Kasavubu) and communicated by him to the President of the Assembly.

scholarly journals Student Fraternity of the Art Academy of Latvia “Dzintarzeme”: Latvian National Art Conservation Policy in Exile (1958–1987)

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Agnija Lesničenoka
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conservation Policy ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Art Conservation ◽  
Art Exhibitions ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Academic Lives

Summary After the proclamation of the Republic of Latvia in 1918, Latvia experienced a rapid influx of youth into its capital city of Riga, looking to obtain education in universities. Students began to build their academic lives and student societies. In 1923, students of the Art Academy of Latvia founded the “Dzintarzeme” (“Amberland”) fraternity. The aim of “Dzintarzeme” was to unite nationally minded students of the Art Academy of Latvia and to promote the development of national art and self-education. Most “Dzintarzeme” members were faithful to the old masters and Latvian art. This phenomenon is significant, because “Dzintarzeme” members grew up with Latvian painting traditions, which are a remarkable heritage of interwar Latvia. In 1940, when Latvia was occupied by the Soviet Union, “Dzintarzeme” was banned. A part of “Dzintarzeme” members were deported, killed in war, went missing, or stayed in the Latvian SSR; the remaining chose exile. Although scattered throughout the United States of America, Canada, and Australia, some members were able to rebuild and sustain the fraternity’s life, gathering its members, organising trips and anniversary art exhibitions. The aim of this research is to reflect on “Dzintarzeme’s” activities in exile (1958–1987), focusing on the main factors of Latvian national art conservation policy: first, the ability of “Dzintarzeme’s” ideology to preserve the values of Latvian national art in an international environment, and second, the problem of generational change and the enrollment of young Latvian artists who continued to maintain “Dzintarzeme” values in exile.

Początki konspiracji wojskowej i cywilnej na Wileńszczyźnie w latach 1939-1941

2021 ◽  
pp. 213-239
Author(s):  
Aleksander Głogowski
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Resistance Movement

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MILITARY AND CIVIL UNDERGROUND IN THE VILNIUS REGION IN 1939-1941 The first years of the occupation of the Vilnius Region were an unusual period in terms of the history of the Polish Underground State and the Polish armed resistance movement. This area was occupied after September 17, 1939 by the Soviet Union, but part of it was transferred to the Republic of Lithuania, along with which it was re-incorporated into the Soviet Union. The Lithuanian occupation was a considerable challenge both for the Polish authorities in exile and for the inhabitants of the Vilnius Region. Meeting such a challenge required certain diplomatic talents (not to worsen the situation of Poles living in this area) as well as knowledge of the relations in the area, which was a problem for the Polish authorities in France, and especially in Great Britain. The Polish inhabitants of the Vilnius Region considered the legal status of their land to be illegal occupation, while the Lithuanians claimed that thanks to a new agreement with the USSR, the period of occupation of these lands by Poles ended. These opinions, together with the mutual resentments and stereotypes flourishing for nearly 20 years, made the peaceful coexistence of two nations difficult, or even impossible. The government of the Republic of Poland tried to prevent the attempts to start an anti-Lithuanian uprising, not wanting to provoke the other two occupiers into military intervention. To this stage, it sought an intermediate solution between the abandonment of any conspiracy (which carried the threat of forming armed groups beyond the control of the legal Polish authorities) and its development on a scale known, for example, from the German or Soviet occupation. The Vilnius Region was to become the personnel and organisational base for the latter. The dilemma was resolved without Polish participation at the time of the annexation of the Republic of Lithuania by the Soviets. Then the second period of the Soviet occupation began, characterised by much greater brutality than the first one, with mass arrests, executions and deportations. The policy of repression primarily affected the pre-war military staff and their families, who were the natural base for the resistance movement of the intelligentsia. Fortunately, this process ended at the time of the German aggression against the USSR. Those that survived the period of the “second Soviet invasion” could in the new conditions continue their underground activities and prepare for an armed uprising in the circumstances and in the manner indicated by the Home Army Headquarters and the Polish Government in London.

scholarly journals Using an Active Learning Approach (the 4-H model) to Stimulate Social Change: Youth and Community Development in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Timothy K. Kock
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Youth Development ◽  
Learning Activities ◽  
Civic Responsibility ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Youth Centers ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

As Kyrgyzstan recovers from the collapse of the Soviet Union, the youth of this Newly Independent State (NIS) face troubling times. Poverty has become all to familiar throughout the country; its people, including youth, are losing hope and question their ability to be productive members of society (Lines & Kock, 2004). Kyrgyzstan’s future leaders – like all nations - are found among its youth of today. Therefore, it behooves the government and citizens of Kyrgyzstan to develop youth centers designed to enhance the skills young people need to succeed now and in the future. This paper describes a program designed to teach Kyrgyz youth and adults teamwork, and civic responsibility through experiential learning activities. The paper outlines the steps taken and results derived from the hands-on trainings provided to the participants in one location in Kyrgyzstan. Findings from this study may have implications for other international youth development projects.

Afghanistan'S Foreign Policy: Patterns And Problems

1988 ◽  
Vol 44 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 226-239
Author(s):  
R. Gopalakrishnan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support1. These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.

scholarly journals SOVIET RESETTLEMENT’S PROGRAM FOR THE UKRAINIAN PEASANCE IN 1921–1925

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 67-72
Author(s):  
Olesia Rozovyk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Far East ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The Urals ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
The Far East ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article, based on little-known sources, deals with the process of forming the policy of the Soviet government to solve such a problem as agrarian overpopulation of the USSR. The article presents data on overpopulation in some districts of the Ukrainian SSR, such as Kyiv, Chernihiv and Volyn districts, where such a phenomenon as scarcity of land and low-yielding soils was presented. An Emergency Resettlement Commission was established within the People’s Commissariat of Land Affairs by the decision of the Council of People’ Commissars (CPC). This Commission solved all issues related to the resettlement of peasants within the republic and abroad. Similar commissions were also formed in all provincial and county centers of the Ukrainian SSR. These commissions began active work on the registration of landless peasants and the search for vacant lands, primarily in the republic for their resettlement, beginning in the spring of 1921. Commissions were also carried out with the All-Russian (later All-Union) Resettlement Commission on the provision of land in uninhabited areas of the RSFSR, such as the Volga region, the Urals, Siberia, Kazakhstan, the Far East, Kuban, Stavropol, North Caucasus to the settlers from Ukraine. In February 1923, the CPC of the Ukrainian SSR took measures to ensure the planned resettlement of the rural population of the republic in Ukraine and abroad. In the autumn of 1923, the VIII All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets approved the main directions of resettlement policy in the republic. It was reduced to the following measures: first – the resettlement of Ukrainians in the free lands of the Ukrainian SSR; second – resettlement, first of all, of the poor population, which included assistance in farming; third – the resettlement of part of the population from rural areas to cities; fourth – the resettlement of small peasant families in the All-Union Colonization Fund in the Urals, Siberia, Kazakhstan, the Far East. In April 1924, CPC of the Soviet Union, supporting the resettlement movement, adopted a resolution “On the benefits of migrants”. It determined the level of material assistance to the families who settled in new lands. Thus, during 1921–1925, the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee and the CPC of the Ukrainian SSR developed a program of resettlement of the Ukrainian population within its ethnic lands and the Union Colonization Fund. This was the first five-year cycle of resettlement policy of the government of the USSR, and in 1926 a new resettlement program was approved, designed first for seven and then for ten years.

scholarly journals Appropriate, Adapt, Inhabit: The Recreation of Public Space in the Republic of Georgia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ibrahim ◽  
◽  
Claudio Vekstein ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Public Space ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Foreign Investment ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Rose

The collapse of the Soviet Union marked the beginning of the difficult deconstruction of the regime and ideology which controlled the East for the majority of the 20th Century. In the Republic of Georgia, Soviet collapse catalyzed a series of ethnically prompted conflicts and civil war which prevented the unification of the country under a national agenda, thus creating fertile ground for corruption, privatization and sale of public space. The earliest example of the corrupt transfer of property was the sale of the former Palace of Rituals, in Tbilisi, to Georgian oligarch Badri Patarkatsishvili, which is still primarily used as a private residence by his family. After the Rose Revolution in 2003, Georgia faced rapid institutional reforms under President Mikheil Saakashvili, who legitimized his regime by unifying regions that continuously identified as Georgian (excluding territories Abkhazia and S. Ossetia), collecting revenues via taxation, and attracting the foreign investment that Georgia desperately neede

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