History Made: The Rise of Republican Tim Scott

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (03) ◽  
pp. 405-413
Author(s):  
Scott H. Huffmon ◽  
H. Gibbs Knotts ◽  
Seth C. McKee

ABSTRACTIn a time of unprecedented racial polarization in partisan voting, and in a staunchly Republican Deep South state, one black Republican managed to reach the pinnacle of public office. This article examines Tim Scott’s rise by analyzing precinct-level data to better understand his 2010 election to the US House and data from the Winthrop Poll to explore his more recent US Senate victory. To better understand support for Scott, we also report results from an embedded-survey experiment to assess respondents’ favorability toward Scott when he is characterized by two different frames: (1) “Tea Party favorite,” and (2) “first African American Senator from South Carolina since Reconstruction.” We found that conservatives, evangelicals, and less-educated individuals respond more positively to Scott when he is described as a “Tea Party favorite.” More than an intriguing case study, Scott’s rise tells a broader story of the complicated relationships among race, ideology, and partisanship in the contemporary American South.

Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield

This chapter chronicles the effort by white editors in South Carolina to battle northern public opinion supporting civil rights reform in the South. As the black community’s interpretations of public events received greater attention in the mainstream white press, Charleston editor Thomas R. Waring Jr. led the campaign to break through the so-called “paper curtain” that he claimed northern media used to silence the voices of white southerners who supported segregation. As 1960 approached, Waring and and political reporter William D. Workman Jr., worked to build a new political home for white racial conservatives in a revamped Republican Party. In 1962, Workman left journalism to run for the US Senate as a Republican. The effort failed narrowly, yet his campaign signaled the arrival of the conservative Republicans as a new force in Deep South politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 100-100
Author(s):  
Maria Pisu ◽  
David Geldmacher

Abstract Residents of the US Deep South (Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina) have a 20–30% higher risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease or related dementia (ADRD). Moreover, >20% of African Americans, who are at higher ADRD risk than whites, live in this region. Therefore, one important goals of the Deep South Alzheimer’s Disease Center (DS-ADC) of the University of Alabama at Birmingham is to spearhead research to address these disparities. This panel presents current DS-ADC research, with two presentations focusing on the local patient population and the last two on the Deep South population compared to the rest of the nation. Addressing the challenge of recruiting representative samples in clinical research, the first paper is part of a research program to understand difference that may exist between African American and white research participants. The second paper examines patients with multiple conditions, in particular dementia and cancer, showing a marked disadvantage in cognition outcomes for African Americans. The next two papers take a broader perspective to better understand the population of older adults with ADRD in the Deep South and in the rest of the US. The third paper examines socioeconomic and medical contexts of African American and white older Medicare beneficiaries with ADRD, and the fourth paper examines differences in utilization of specialists, ADRD drugs, and hospitalizations in the two regions taking these contexts into account. The discussant will close the session by placing these studies in the larger context of the disparities research at the DS-ADC.


Author(s):  
Fiorentina Angjellari-Dajci ◽  
William F. Lawless ◽  
Nitin Agarwal ◽  
Ron Oberleitner ◽  
Barbara Coleman ◽  
...  

The prevailing system for diagnosis, treatment, and management of Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASDs) in the US—the in-person service delivery—has been unable to address the increase in the demand for services and societal costs for those served, and the unattained societal benefits for those not diagnosed early enough or not offered early and intensive behavioral interventions. The authors discuss new developments in telehealth for diagnostic evaluation and ASD treatment in the US. They build a theoretical model to capture telehealth system’s potential in reaching ASD screening market equilibrium under the constraint of full utilization of provider hours and other stylized facts. The authors estimate the market demand for ASD screening in the US for year 2011. They present their progress with a case study that focuses on the potential impacts of increased access to care of technology-based telehealth on the Georgia-South Carolina border. The authors use social network analysis to envision the future of telehealth service delivery for ASDs.


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald C. Wright

The availability of rich survey data, and concerns over the ecological fallacy, have led voting researchers to focus on the explanation of individual voting decisions at the expense of accounting for patterns of aggregate election outcomes. This has skewed our understanding of the relative importance of various factors in the electoral process. A framework for analysis of elections at multiple levels is developed and applied using data from twenty-three exit polls from the US Senate elections. Comparable parameters for a simple voting model are estimated for individual voting and for election outcomes. Election-level factors, especially candidates' issue strategies and incumbency, are substantially more important in accounting for election outcomes than in explaining individual voting decisions. Finally, working with election outcomes permits an estimate of a path model of Senate election outcomes that shows key relationships that are not accessible from individual level data.


Author(s):  
David K. Jones

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) is the most significant health reform legislation enacted in generations. However, politics does not end after a bill is signed into law. This chapter outlines why states were given such a prominent role in the implementation of core elements of the ACA, including the health insurance exchanges. This sets the stage for the question of this book: given that state leaders say they want flexibility and that Republicans say they prefer market-oriented reforms, why did so many states reject state control over exchanges? I outline the four main insights from the case study chapters: (1) the importance of governors, (2) the power of the Tea Party, (3) the ways in which differences in institutional design and procedures shaped policy outcomes, and (4) the importance of leadership. I ask whether this episode supports or undermines the federalism notion of states as laboratories of learning.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Bennett

Cannabis (marijuana) is the most commonly consumed, universally produced, and frequently trafficked psychoactive substance prohibited under international drug control laws. Yet, several countries have recently moved toward legalization. In these places, the legal status of cannabis is complex, especially because illegal markets persist. This chapter explores the ways in which a sector’s legal status interacts with political consumerism. The analysis draws on a case study of political consumerism in the US and Canadian cannabis markets over the past two decades as both countries moved toward legalization. It finds that the goals, tactics, and leadership of political consumerism activities changed as the sector’s legal status shifted. Thus prohibition, semilegalization, and new legality may present special challenges to political consumerism, such as silencing producers, confusing consumers, deterring social movements, and discouraging discourse about ethical issues. The chapter concludes that political consumerism and legal status may have deep import for one another.


Author(s):  
Kasey Barr ◽  
Alex Mintz

This chapter examines the effect of group dynamics on the 2016 decision within the administration of President Barack Obama to lead the international coalition in a mission to liberate Raqqa, Syria, from the Islamic State. The authors show that whereas the groupthink syndrome characterized the decision-making process of the US-led coalition’s decision to attack Raqqa, it was polythink that characterized the decision-making dynamics both in the US-led coalition and within the inner circle of Obama’s own foreign policy advisors. Through case-study analysis, the authors illustrate that groupthink is more likely in strategic decisions, whereas polythink is more likely in tactical decisions.


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