The Church and Medieval Trade Unions

1910 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 175-186
Author(s):  
Edward Waite Miller
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
The State ◽  
Voluntary Association ◽  
Common Fund ◽  
The Family ◽  
Common Purpose ◽  
The Church ◽  
Medieval Trade

The instinct of association must be regarded as among the most elemental and important of human instincts. It has bound men together in various forms of organization, domestic, political, religious. The family, the state, the church are its most familiar products. But there is another type of association distinct from these, prompted by different motives and seeking different ends. Of this type the Guild is historically the most familiar example. It may be described as a voluntary association of those living near together, who unite in a fraternal spirit for a common purpose, who feast and worship together, pay contributions into a common fund, and aid each other in case of poverty, sickness, bereavement, or other misfortune.

scholarly journals Sopocani and Gradac: About the relation of funerary programmes of the two churches

Zograf ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Great Effort ◽  
Wall Paintings ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Church

King Uros (1243-1276) erected the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Sopocani monastery in about 1270 and, in it, he prepared tombs for the first hegoumenos of Sopocani, his mother Queen Ana, for himself and the then archbishop, Joanikije (Fig. 1). Over each tomb there is a marble sarcophagus surrounded by appropriate wall paintings. The tombs of Uros and Joanikije were located in the western bay of the naos. Thus, the recently announced hypothesis, that the endowed did not intend to be buried in Sopocani, is unfounded. The intention of King Uros was only brought into question in 1276 when he was driven from the throne by his older son, Dragutin. The overthrow caused a major drama in the family, the state and the Church. King Uros retired to the southern part of the state (Hum), where he became a monk and subsequently died (perhaps in 1277). His wife Jelena received vast territories from her son, the new king, which she practically ruled independently, while Archbishop Joanikije, after having denied Dragutin his blessing, retired with the former king and died in the region of Pilot in 1279. King Dragutin (1276-1282) made a great effort to mitigate the negative effects of the overthrow: he continued his father's foreign policy established good relations with neighboring Dubrovnik, took pains to appease his mother, Queen Jelena, by granting her vast territories, and to win the support of the Church by erecting, repairing or presenting gifts to several churches and monasteries. He certainly obtained the Sopocani monastery through hereditary ktetorial rights.

THREE STORIES FROM THE MARGINS OF LITHUANIAN HERITAGE PROTECTION / IŠ LIETUVIŠKOS PAVELDOSAUGOS PARAŠČIŲ: TRYS ISTORIJOS

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nijolė Lukšionytė
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Cultural Property ◽  
Alternative Possibilities ◽  
Architectural Heritage ◽  
The Family ◽  
Detached House ◽  
Heritage Protection ◽  
The Veil ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Church

The article discusses three objects of Kaunas architectural heritage, which represent different cases of heritage treatment in the years of independence. In Soviet times, a building of the Communist Party Committee blocked the gothic church of St Gertrude to an enclosed yard. This building was demolished by the civic initiative organised by the Sąjūdis movement in 1989. The church was restored using the state funds in 1991–1994. A small wooden suburban manor was built in Baritonai Street in the middle of the 19th century. It had belonged to the Petravičiai family for one hundred years. The house has been deserted since 1994. The local authority of Kaunas has been working on privatisation documents for so long that the house has entirely crumbled. A detached house of the famous architect Vytautas Landsbergis-Žemkalnis represents the interwar modernism. After restoration of independence, it was returned to his family. The family sold the house. Although it was included to the Register of Cultural Property and declared protected by the state, the new owners have transformed the exterior of the house completely in 2004–2005. The two last-mentioned examples symptomatically reveal a crisis of values in Lithuanian heritage protection. A punctilious legalism enables institutions responsible for heritage protection to hide under the veil of law-making rather than bother with alternative possibilities of preservation. Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami trys Kauno architektūros paveldo objektai, reprezentuojantys skirtingus elgesio su paveldu atvejus nepriklausomybės metais. Gotikinę Šv. Gertrūdos bažnyčią į uždarą kiemą užblokavęs komunistų partijos komiteto pastatas buvo nugriautas Atgimimo sąjūdžio organizuotos visuomenės iniciatyva 1989 m., o pati bažnyčia 1991–1994 m. restauruota valstybės lėšomis. Medinis XIX a. vidurio priemiesčio dvarelis Baritonų g. 6, šimtą metų priklausęs Petravičių šeimai, nuo 1994 m. stovi tuščias, miesto savivaldybė tol rengė dokumentus privatizacijai, kol namas visai sugriuvo. Žymaus architekto Vytauto Landsbergio-Žemkalnio kotedžas, reprezentuojantis tarpukario modernizmą, atkūrus nepriklausomybę buvo grąžintas šeimai. Jos nariai namą pardavė, naujieji savininkai 2004–2005 m. visiškai pertvarkė išorę, nors objektas jau buvo įtrauktas į Kultūros vertybių registrą ir paskelbtas valstybės saugomu. Šie du pavyzdžiai simptomiškai atskleidžia vertybių krizę Lietuvos paveldo apsaugos srityje. Utilitarus legalizmas leidžia paveldosaugos institucijoms prisidengti įstatymo formule ir nesivarginti ieškant alternatyvių išsaugojimo galimybių.

scholarly journals Abuse of Power in Nancy Farmer's The House of the Scorpion (2002)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Vira Nabila Nursidik ◽  
Ali Mustofa
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
The Family ◽  
Opium Abuse ◽  
The Church

This study aims to reveal abuse of power depicted in Nancy Farmer’s The House of the Scorpion using Daniel Sankowsky’s definition and characteristics of abuse of power by leader, Bob Jessop’s Marxist Approaches to Power, and Nicos Poulantzas’s destruction of the state. El Patrón as the leader of a country named Opium, abuse his power in Marxist way, which leads to destruction of the state. The analysis focuses on how abuse of power done by El Patrón and destruction of the state as the consequence. Throughout the analysis, El Patrón’s abuse of power is done by him as a leader through economic, political, and ideological class domination. Destruction of the state as the consequence of his abuse of power include the destruction of the Church and the family.

Moral Man, Immoral Society

2021 ◽  
pp. 108-139
Author(s):  
George Pattison
Keyword(s):  
Intimate Relationships ◽  
Nuclear Family ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Social Forms ◽  
Christian Teaching ◽  
The Family ◽  
Social Units ◽  
The Church

Love is typically seen as a characteristic of intimate relationships, not of larger social units such as the state. But if Christianity aims at a Kingdom of Love, what social forms might enable such a kingdom to be formed? Christian teaching suggests two primary forms, the family and the Church. The family is approached in a dialogue between Hegel and recent magisterial Catholic teaching. Where Hegel subordinates the family to the state, Catholic teaching proposes that the state is subsidiary to the family. The family is also seen in Catholic teaching as modelling the life of the Church. However, social changes make Dostoevsky’s model of the ‘accidental family’ more appropriate than that of the conventional nuclear family, while Rosenzweig warns against extending the model of the family to the territorial nation-state. The chapter also develops the idea of human solidarity.

Speaking Notes With the Bishop of London on how and why the Church might be losing its nerve and its role in the modern society

1982 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghiţa Ionescu
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Private Lives ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Welfare State

THE FUTURE OF MODERN DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY APPEARS TO depend on the amount of political participation, i.e. on how much its individuals will have to participate in political interests and activities. To be sure, the way industrial society functions requires an increasing involvement of the individual in public activities. But is there a danger that the private lives and aspirations of all individuals will be increasingly absorbed by the ‘public cause’? And that the Church, the intellectuals, the artists, the trade unions, and last but not least, the media might become transmission-belts of the ideological-political organizations?The welfare state gives in principle a due primacy to man's free choice of how to fulfil himself, for himself and not by the state and for the state. But within the welfare state, which could continue this balancing act, which is this balancing act, it is the individuals themselves who seem now to be more and more attracted, for stark economic reasons, but also because of ideological fallacies by the ‘external goods’ rather than by the ontological and interiorized raison d'être. Are we witnessing the transformation of the real man into the citizen, or comrade, of man into fan?

Marriage and Social Control

1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-338
Author(s):  
Anna Garlin Spencer
Keyword(s):  
Formal Education ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Common Error ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Church

The Nineteenth Century was ushered in with trumpet-calls to self-assertion and social freedom. A vague but long-cherished hope of the elect of humanity that the masses, each and all, might yet become persons, crystallized during the eighteenth century into a popular assertion of “equality of rights” in the body politic as “the first of rights” and essential to the process of universal individuation. Thus was born the democratic State. The Church in Christian civilization had long before recognized the independent personality of all, even of slaves and of women, in its spiritual Magna Charta, which secured to every human being the right to own his own soul and laid upon each the burden of saving it. The Protestant Reformation added to this the duty of understanding “the plan of salvation,” and hence reinforced, and in many instances initiated, the demand of the State for an intelligent electorate. Thus Church and State worked together to call into being the free, tax-supported school, and to make compulsory some minimum of formal education. The democratic State and the democratic school have worked together to create slowly legalized freedom of association for manual laborers. Labor reform organizations, springing up at once as soon as legal restrictions upon such associations were removed, have initiated the collective struggle for common industrial betterment. Of the five basic institutions of society, therefore—the family, the Church, the State, the school, and the industrial order—four are already well on their way toward thorough-going democratization. It is necessary to remind ourselves of these familiar facts in order to escape the common error of treating some one institution of society as a detached social structure, the problems concerning which are to be solved independently of other human relationship. The first, the most vital, the most intimate, and the most universal of social institutions, that of marriage and the family, has longest resisted re-adjustment to the new ethics involved in the now accepted principle of equality of human rights.

Democracy in Transition

1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter J. Shepard
Keyword(s):  
Collective Behavior ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Behavior Patterns ◽  
The Family ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
The University ◽  
The Church

Any civilization may be reduced to two factors, a system of institutions and a system of ideas. By institutions we merely mean collective behavior patterns, the ways in which a community carries on the innumerable activities of social life. The church, the market, the family, the learned society, the trade union, the university, are examples of institutions. We often attribute a personality to such behavior patterns, clothe them with the attributes of a personal will, mind, and purpose; but such attribution is sheer fiction, the product of a purely imaginative process. Institutions are merely behavior patterns—they are nothing else. Government is an institution or a set of institutions. Society achieves certain results through collective political action. The means that it uses are the behavior patterns which we call courts, legislative bodies, commissions, electorates, administration. We idealize these institutions collectively and personify them in the State. But this idealization is pure fancy. The State as a juristic or ideal person is the veriest fiction. It is real only as a collective name for governmental institutions.

California

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Alvarez
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Social Cartography ◽  
Family Network ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Police Surveillance ◽  
Us Mexico Border

I utilize my situated position as anthropologist, academician, and citizen to argue not only that we should “think” California, but also that we should “rethink” our state—both its condition and its social cartography. To be clear, I see all my research and endeavors—my research on the US/Mexico border; my time among the markets and entrepreneurs I have worked and lived with; my focus on those places in which I was raised: Lemon Grove, Logan Heights; the family network and my community ethnographic work—as personal. I am in this academic game and the telling of our story because it is personal. When Lemon Grove was segregated, it was about my family; when Logan Heights was split by the construction of Interstate 5 and threatened by police surveillance, it was about our community; when the border was sanctioned and militarized it again was about the communities of which I am a part. A rethinking California is rooted in the experience of living California, of knowing and feeling the condition and the struggles we are experiencing and the crises we have gone through. We need to rethink California, especially the current failure of the state. This too is ultimately personal, because it affects each and every one of us, especially those historically unrepresented folks who have endured over the decades.

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