THREE STORIES FROM THE MARGINS OF LITHUANIAN HERITAGE PROTECTION / IŠ LIETUVIŠKOS PAVELDOSAUGOS PARAŠČIŲ: TRYS ISTORIJOS

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nijolė Lukšionytė

The article discusses three objects of Kaunas architectural heritage, which represent different cases of heritage treatment in the years of independence. In Soviet times, a building of the Communist Party Committee blocked the gothic church of St Gertrude to an enclosed yard. This building was demolished by the civic initiative organised by the Sąjūdis movement in 1989. The church was restored using the state funds in 1991–1994. A small wooden suburban manor was built in Baritonai Street in the middle of the 19th century. It had belonged to the Petravičiai family for one hundred years. The house has been deserted since 1994. The local authority of Kaunas has been working on privatisation documents for so long that the house has entirely crumbled. A detached house of the famous architect Vytautas Landsbergis-Žemkalnis represents the interwar modernism. After restoration of independence, it was returned to his family. The family sold the house. Although it was included to the Register of Cultural Property and declared protected by the state, the new owners have transformed the exterior of the house completely in 2004–2005. The two last-mentioned examples symptomatically reveal a crisis of values in Lithuanian heritage protection. A punctilious legalism enables institutions responsible for heritage protection to hide under the veil of law-making rather than bother with alternative possibilities of preservation. Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami trys Kauno architektūros paveldo objektai, reprezentuojantys skirtingus elgesio su paveldu atvejus nepriklausomybės metais. Gotikinę Šv. Gertrūdos bažnyčią į uždarą kiemą užblokavęs komunistų partijos komiteto pastatas buvo nugriautas Atgimimo sąjūdžio organizuotos visuomenės iniciatyva 1989 m., o pati bažnyčia 1991–1994 m. restauruota valstybės lėšomis. Medinis XIX a. vidurio priemiesčio dvarelis Baritonų g. 6, šimtą metų priklausęs Petravičių šeimai, nuo 1994 m. stovi tuščias, miesto savivaldybė tol rengė dokumentus privatizacijai, kol namas visai sugriuvo. Žymaus architekto Vytauto Landsbergio-Žemkalnio kotedžas, reprezentuojantis tarpukario modernizmą, atkūrus nepriklausomybę buvo grąžintas šeimai. Jos nariai namą pardavė, naujieji savininkai 2004–2005 m. visiškai pertvarkė išorę, nors objektas jau buvo įtrauktas į Kultūros vertybių registrą ir paskelbtas valstybės saugomu. Šie du pavyzdžiai simptomiškai atskleidžia vertybių krizę Lietuvos paveldo apsaugos srityje. Utilitarus legalizmas leidžia paveldosaugos institucijoms prisidengti įstatymo formule ir nesivarginti ieškant alternatyvių išsaugojimo galimybių.

Zograf ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

King Uros (1243-1276) erected the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Sopocani monastery in about 1270 and, in it, he prepared tombs for the first hegoumenos of Sopocani, his mother Queen Ana, for himself and the then archbishop, Joanikije (Fig. 1). Over each tomb there is a marble sarcophagus surrounded by appropriate wall paintings. The tombs of Uros and Joanikije were located in the western bay of the naos. Thus, the recently announced hypothesis, that the endowed did not intend to be buried in Sopocani, is unfounded. The intention of King Uros was only brought into question in 1276 when he was driven from the throne by his older son, Dragutin. The overthrow caused a major drama in the family, the state and the Church. King Uros retired to the southern part of the state (Hum), where he became a monk and subsequently died (perhaps in 1277). His wife Jelena received vast territories from her son, the new king, which she practically ruled independently, while Archbishop Joanikije, after having denied Dragutin his blessing, retired with the former king and died in the region of Pilot in 1279. King Dragutin (1276-1282) made a great effort to mitigate the negative effects of the overthrow: he continued his father's foreign policy established good relations with neighboring Dubrovnik, took pains to appease his mother, Queen Jelena, by granting her vast territories, and to win the support of the Church by erecting, repairing or presenting gifts to several churches and monasteries. He certainly obtained the Sopocani monastery through hereditary ktetorial rights.


Author(s):  
Fred Puss

Rööpsete perekonnanimede teke on unikaalne Eestis ja Lätis, kus mõisas pandi 1820.–1830. aastail samale talupojale üks, kirikus aga teine perekonnanimi. Nimede panemise õigus oli mõisadel, kuid kohati võtsid pastorid osa nimede panekust ning muutsid kirikuraamatutes nimesid ka hiljem. Eestis oli üksikuid piirkondi (mõisu), kus rööpnimede hulk oli suurem, nt Ahja mõisas 53%, Roosna-Alliku mõisa Järva- Madise kihelkonna osas 32%, olles enamasti aga mõne protsendi piires. Võnnu kihelkonnas muutsid vastastikku üksteise nimeloomet mõisavalitsused, kolm järjestikust pastorit ning eriti köster. Pärast üldise perekonnanimepanekuga loodud rööpnimesid oli XIX sajandi teisel poolel ja XX sajandi algul nende tavalisim tekkepõhjus saksastamine, harvem sugulussuhete muutumine (kärgpered, lapsendamised). Kui mõnel pool jõudsid kirikuraamatute nimekujud ka hingeloendisse, siis tavaline see polnud. Sel põhjusel oli ka XX sajandi algul inimestel vallavalitsuse välja antud tsaariaegses passis või iseseisvusaegsel isikutunnistusel üks, kirikuraamatutes teine nimi. Rööpnimed kaotati enamasti riiklike perekonnaregistrite sisseseadmisega alates 1926. aastast ning ametlikustati reeglina sünnikandes leiduv nimekuju. Osal juhtudel tekkisid topeltnimed. Rööpnimed on dokumentides tekitanud segadust ka hiljem. Abstract. Fred Puss: Muuga or Kersna? The appearance and perishment of Estonian parallel family names. The reason for the appearance of parallel family names in Estonia and Latvia is unique: in the 1820s–1830s, the manor officials gave family names to local peasants and the Lutheran pastors changed those names or gave different ones. In some areas, mismatch was up to 53%, but generally did not exceed a few percent. Sometimes in the church records, the names were later changed to match the manor (or later tax) records, but much less often vice versa. However, when the names in the church records were changed (mostly Germanized) in the second half of the 19th century, but not in the tax records, new mismatches appeared. As of 1926, the state began to keep vital statistics records and the name in a birth entry in the church book was usually fixed as the only family name thereafter. This marked the end of the occurrence of most of the parallel family names in Estonia, but some became double family names and some still caused confusion in later records.


2020 ◽  
pp. 995-1006
Author(s):  
Natalia I. Gorskaya ◽  

The article analyzes sources in the family fond “The Neelovs” from the State Archive of the Smolensk Region. The main body of documents relates to the history of the 19th century and has not yet been introduced into scientific use. The Neelovs, nobles of the Gzhatsk uezd, who were included in the first part of the genealogical book of the nobles of the Smolensk gubernia, participated in major events of the 19th century on national and regional level. The article is to describe the content of the fond and to assess the information potential of its sources for studying the history of a noble provincial family in the context of Russian history. It establishes that the documents differ in their origin and significance. Recordkeeping documents and those of personal provenance are numerous and informative. Among recordkeeping documents of particular interest are documents of economic nature and the Neelov brothers’ records of service; among sources of personal provenance of most interest are travel notes and epistolary heritage of the family members. There are numerous documents reflecting the Neelov brothers’ life and career, many of which concern well-known Russian professor of the Military Academy and writer N. D. Neelov and the director of the department of agriculture of the Ministry of State Property and Senator D.D. Neelov. The author concludes that the identified sources allow to recreate the history of a rural noble family before and after the abolition of seldom, to study its economic situation, culture, everyday life, and evolution of the social role of nobility in provincial life. The fond content also clarifies socio-economic processes in the midst of peasantry, history and repercussions of the major events of the 19th century: the war of 1812, the Polish uprising of 1831, preparation of the abolition of seldom, activities of the Zemstvo institutions; it helps to connect the history of the family and the history of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Vira Nabila Nursidik ◽  
Ali Mustofa

This study aims to reveal abuse of power depicted in Nancy Farmer’s The House of the Scorpion using Daniel Sankowsky’s definition and characteristics of abuse of power by leader, Bob Jessop’s Marxist Approaches to Power, and Nicos Poulantzas’s destruction of the state. El Patrón as the leader of a country named Opium, abuse his power in Marxist way, which leads to destruction of the state. The analysis focuses on how abuse of power done by El Patrón and destruction of the state as the consequence. Throughout the analysis, El Patrón’s abuse of power is done by him as a leader through economic, political, and ideological class domination. Destruction of the state as the consequence of his abuse of power include the destruction of the Church and the family.


2021 ◽  
pp. 108-139
Author(s):  
George Pattison

Love is typically seen as a characteristic of intimate relationships, not of larger social units such as the state. But if Christianity aims at a Kingdom of Love, what social forms might enable such a kingdom to be formed? Christian teaching suggests two primary forms, the family and the Church. The family is approached in a dialogue between Hegel and recent magisterial Catholic teaching. Where Hegel subordinates the family to the state, Catholic teaching proposes that the state is subsidiary to the family. The family is also seen in Catholic teaching as modelling the life of the Church. However, social changes make Dostoevsky’s model of the ‘accidental family’ more appropriate than that of the conventional nuclear family, while Rosenzweig warns against extending the model of the family to the territorial nation-state. The chapter also develops the idea of human solidarity.


TERRITORIO ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Arthur Tokarev

This research explores Southern Russian architecture from the mid-1920s to 1930s considering issues of continuity, tradition, and innovation. The scope of the research comprises both well-known architectural monuments commissioned to Soviet leading professionals as well as a group of little-known architectural structures. In the paper, it is concluded that despite the fact that this period is usually associated with the widespread Soviet Avant-Garde style of architecture, the influence of other stylistic movements, such as Traditionalism and Art Deco, was also very strong. The research specifically focuses on the problem of heritage preservation. The heritage protection status does not guarantee the preservation of a building. Paradoxically, the smaller a township and the poorer the local economy, the better the state of historical architectural objects.


Author(s):  
Vesna Malešević

While three-quarters of the population in Ireland still declare to be Catholic in census data collection, the position and role of the Catholic Church has changed dramatically. A fruitful relationship between the state, church, and nation that developed in the 19th century became meaningfully embedded in social and political relations from the 1920s. Involvement of the church in the running of education, health, and welfare meant that its “moral monopoly” extended into both the institutional and individual spheres of life. The Irish Republic relied on the church organizations and personnel to provide education and guidance in absence of the state’s infrastructure and Will to consolidate the new political entity around a state-building project based on inclusivity, reciprocity, and diversity. The confessional state that emerged with its own constitution favored one religion over others, economic stagnation over progress, and patriarchal social values over equality. The internal processes of social change and the external impetus for economic development sent Ireland into modernization and changes in attitudes and behaviors. It became obvious that the church did not hold a monopoly on truth and that accountability of the relations between the state and the church should be called into question. Economic prosperity propelled Ireland into the world of consumerism, materialism, and instant gratification, teaching a new generation that religion helps keep your parents appeased and at times can provide solace, and that the Catholic Church is just an institution that seems to be around but nobody is quite sure what its role is. The vicariousness of the church coupled with cultural Catholicism makes the Ireland of today more open to change.


1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-338
Author(s):  
Anna Garlin Spencer

The Nineteenth Century was ushered in with trumpet-calls to self-assertion and social freedom. A vague but long-cherished hope of the elect of humanity that the masses, each and all, might yet become persons, crystallized during the eighteenth century into a popular assertion of “equality of rights” in the body politic as “the first of rights” and essential to the process of universal individuation. Thus was born the democratic State. The Church in Christian civilization had long before recognized the independent personality of all, even of slaves and of women, in its spiritual Magna Charta, which secured to every human being the right to own his own soul and laid upon each the burden of saving it. The Protestant Reformation added to this the duty of understanding “the plan of salvation,” and hence reinforced, and in many instances initiated, the demand of the State for an intelligent electorate. Thus Church and State worked together to call into being the free, tax-supported school, and to make compulsory some minimum of formal education. The democratic State and the democratic school have worked together to create slowly legalized freedom of association for manual laborers. Labor reform organizations, springing up at once as soon as legal restrictions upon such associations were removed, have initiated the collective struggle for common industrial betterment. Of the five basic institutions of society, therefore—the family, the Church, the State, the school, and the industrial order—four are already well on their way toward thorough-going democratization. It is necessary to remind ourselves of these familiar facts in order to escape the common error of treating some one institution of society as a detached social structure, the problems concerning which are to be solved independently of other human relationship. The first, the most vital, the most intimate, and the most universal of social institutions, that of marriage and the family, has longest resisted re-adjustment to the new ethics involved in the now accepted principle of equality of human rights.


Author(s):  
E. S. Bushueva ◽  

Historical documents of the State archives of the Trans-Baikal territory and the State archives of the Republic of Buryatia provided information that in the 19th century the Nerchinsk Parish Assumption Church was under special guardianship of the two powerful priestly families – the Stukovs and Znamenskys. A considerable amount of data (including photographs of priests) has been collected about the Znamensky priests, who served in the church for a total of 55 years; correspondence with many of their descendants living throughout the country from Riga to Vladivostok has been conducted, and a number of articles have been published. And only sparse information and sketchy details have been found about the Stukovs, whose ministering lasted for more than 70 years.


1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter J. Shepard

Any civilization may be reduced to two factors, a system of institutions and a system of ideas. By institutions we merely mean collective behavior patterns, the ways in which a community carries on the innumerable activities of social life. The church, the market, the family, the learned society, the trade union, the university, are examples of institutions. We often attribute a personality to such behavior patterns, clothe them with the attributes of a personal will, mind, and purpose; but such attribution is sheer fiction, the product of a purely imaginative process. Institutions are merely behavior patterns—they are nothing else. Government is an institution or a set of institutions. Society achieves certain results through collective political action. The means that it uses are the behavior patterns which we call courts, legislative bodies, commissions, electorates, administration. We idealize these institutions collectively and personify them in the State. But this idealization is pure fancy. The State as a juristic or ideal person is the veriest fiction. It is real only as a collective name for governmental institutions.


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