Taxing Political Life: Reevaluating the Relationship between Voluntary Association Membership, Political Engagement, and the State

2004 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-764
Author(s):  
Sarah Sobieraj ◽  
Deborah White
2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Jane Duncan

Applying multi-level modelling techniques to 2003 Canadian General Social Survey and 2001 Census Profile data , this study investigates the influence of individual income, contextual poverty and income inequality on voluntary association membership in Canada. Both individual and contextual effects on membership are uncovered, in addition to a significant cross-level interaction between individual income and area level income inequality. As individual income increases so do the odds of voluntary association membership, an effect that is fairly consistent between areas. Increases in area level poverty are associated with decreases in the odds of membership. While no main effect is found for area level income inequality, cross-level interactions indicate that the relationship between individual income and membership is moderated by area income inequality. The study findings support claims about the negative social effects of individual and contextual economic disadvantage and confirms the importance of examining contextual influences on social outcomes.


Anthropology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sian Lazar

At its most fundamental, citizenship means political belonging, and to study citizenship is to study how we live with others in a political community. Anthropological work on the theme of citizenship tends to break open the classic version of citizenship as a universal legal status belonging to citizens of a given nation-state. Instead, it recognizes the differentiated nature of political membership, and the ways that citizenship acts as an ordering and disciplining device as well as a mechanism for making claims upon different kinds of political communities. These may include the state but they are not limited to it. In dialogue with political theorists, anthropologists of citizenship have argued that the constitution of any given community requires a considerable amount of work, and that meaningful membership is more than the possession of rights and responsibilities. Citizenship may be formal or substantive, full or partial, and it is always under construction, as citizens and noncitizens claim inclusion and effective participation in political life. That may be articulated through languages of rights but may also be conducted—and contested—through other kinds of everyday or insurgent political practices. One of the main focuses of ethnographic study of the practices of citizenship has therefore been on how people relate to the state, bringing out the relationship between people and state bureaucracies and between people and law. Another aspect is the scale at which relevant political communities operate, as anthropologists have added to the discussion of national citizenship with studies of cosmopolitan, transnational, or global citizenships and of local, city-based formations. Citizenship is a complex bundle of practices of encounter between the state and citizens at different scales or levels. Because citizenship practices are also the means by which societies organize inclusion and exclusion, the figure of the noncitizen is crucial to the construction of citizenship. Noncitizens might be conceptualized as strangers, migrants, or refugees, and these individuals always raise questions about the definitions of political communities and their borders. Central to all these processes of inclusion, exclusion, encounter, and claims-making is the way that people (citizens and noncitizens) build their own political agency and subjecthood under what constraints and in what realms of life, including the most intimate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Syaiful Arif

Abstrak Moderasi beragama tidak hanya perlu dikembangkan dalam pola keberagamaan, tetapi dalam cara berpikir tentang negara. Sebab keterkaitan antara negara dan paham keagamaan, sering memunculkan sikap ekstrim dalam beragama. Untuk itu dibutuhkan pemikiran kenegaraan Islam yang moderat, yang melampaui formalisasi agama melalui negara pada satu sisi, dan pemisahan agama dan negara pada sisi lain. Dalam kaitan ini, pemikiran KH Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) tentang persoalan ini menjadi penting untuk dipahami. Gus Dur telah mewariskan pemikiran kenegaraan Islam yang moderat yang sesuai dengan prinsip kehidupan politik demokratis dan berkeadilan sosial.   Abstract Religious moderation needs to be developed not only in a pattern of religion, but in ways of thinking about the state because the relationship between the state and religious understanding often leads to extreme attitude in religion. Therefore, it requires moderate Islamic thinking, which transcend religious formalization through the state on one side, and the separation of religion and state on the other.  On this regard, KH Abdurrahman Wahid's (Gus Dur) thought about this becomes important to understand.  Gus Dur has bequeathed thought of moderate Islamic state that conforms to the principles of democratic political life and social justice.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-222

Neither Russian nor non-Russian historians have devoted much attention to the relationship between M.V. Rodzianko and Prince G.E. L’vov in March-April 1917. The lack of analysis can be explained in part by stereotypes concerning the insignificance of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma in the February Revolution and in subsequent events. The present article shows that Rodzianko, the chairman of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, often involved himself in the work of the Provisional Government, and also that he, as the head of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, saw himself as a founder of the Provisional Government. Moreover, Rodzianko also played a direct role in the operations of the Provisional Government, through the office of Duma commissars, which had been created during the February Days to facilitate the stabilization of political life in the capital and in the provinces. B poccийcкoй и зapубeжнoй иcтopиoгpaфии вoпpoc o взaимooтнoшeнияx M.B. Poдзянкo и князя Г.E. Львoвa в мapтe – aпpeлe 1917 г. пpaктичecки нe paccмaтpивaлиcь. Oтчacти этo oбъяcняeтcя cлoжившимиcя cтepeoтипaми o нeзнaчитeльнoй poли Bpeмeннoгo кoмитeтa Гocудapcтвeннoй думы в Фeвpaльcкoй peвoлюции и в дaльнeйшиx coбытияx. Дaннoe иccлeдoвaниe дeмoнcтpиpуeт, чтo пpeдceдaтeль BКГД пpинимaл aктивнoe учacтиe в мexaнизмe функциoниpoвaния Bpeмeннoгo пpaвитeльcтвa, a eгo глaвa, M.B. Poдзянкo, видeл ceбя в кaчecтвe иcтoчникa влacти, т.e. eгo «oбpaзoвaтeля». Кpoмe тoгo, M.B. Poдзянкo учacтвoвaл и в нeпocpeдcтвeннoй дeятeльнocти пpaвитeльcтвa, иcпoльзуя для этoгo инcтитут думcкиx кoмиccapoв, coздaнный eщe в peшaющиe дни Фeвpaльcкoй peвoлюции, cтapaяcь cпocoбcтвoвaть cтaбилизaции внутpипoлитичecкoй жизни кaк в cтoлицe, тaк и нa мecтax.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 01039
Author(s):  
Rais Burganov ◽  
Elena Dolonina ◽  
Zulfia Burganova

The search for political rent is an essential attribute of the coexistence of the interests of family-related groups and the state. A civilized solution to problems in this area has not been fully developed, even in the developed countries of the world. In the media, materials on clan approaches to the distribution of the country's resources are regularly thrown up, which increases tension in human society and uncertainties in future development. In order to take proactive measures, it is necessary to model the state and prospects of the relationship of family-related groups and the state. The paper discusses some approaches to modeling the relationship of family-related groups and the state in political rent-seeking societ. The research methodology uses data from a survey of student youth, which is divided into three groups: students' perceptions of the current political and economic atmosphere of society, assessment of opportunities for access to political rent through family-related ties, assessment of measures for state regulation of the process of obtaining political rent by representatives of family-related groups society. According to the author, in the political life of society, institutions should be created to regulate the behavior of family-related groups in the implementation of political rents.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.


1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary B. Cohen

A reevaluationby historians of political life in late imperial Austria and the capacity of the state to accommodate modern modes of popular political engagement is long overdue. Over the last twenty years lively discussions have developed about the extent of political modernization in Germany and Russia during the last decades before World War I. A number of historians have argued that modes of government and popular politics changed much more significantly in those empires than was previously recognized. In the meantime an important new monographic literature has arisen on popular political action, government, and civil administration in the Habsburg monarchy that suggests that much the same may have taken place there, too.


2021 ◽  
pp. 116-126
Author(s):  
Р.Я. ФИДАРОВА

Человек и государство тесно взаимосвязаны. Антропологическая ориентация государства развивается исторически. Само государство зародилось на заре политической истории человечества, в эпоху рабовладения или в феодальном обществе, как у алан-осетин, и тогда же формируется первый этап взаимосвязей человека и государства. Процесс становления социально-исторических связей человека и государства на первом этапе обусловлен своеобразием формирующегося государства. Оно состояло из двух социальных образований: из господствующих классов и из низших слоев. Соответственно отношение государства к ним было разное. Государство отстаивало социально-политический статус господствующего класса, чьи интересы оно и обслуживало, утверждая позиции данного класса. В целом государство так или иначе регулировало отношения между людьми. Новый этап во взаимосвязях человека и государства начался в эпоху капитализма, со становлением товарно-денежных отношений. Обусловлен он был объективными обстоятельствами жизни осетин, когда существенно изменились общественное бытие и общественное сознание. Изменился и человек, субъект общественной жизни. Если в эпоху феодализма государство составляли господствующие и зависимые субъекты, то в XIX в. на арену истории вышел класс буржуазии, появилась интеллигенция, вышедшая не только из буржуазии, но и из низших слоев. Данное обстоятельство существенно меняло, обогащало функции государства, и предъявляло к нему определенные требования. Скажем, требование быть политическим по характеру, т.е. решать политические задачи и обращать внимание на каждого человека, гражданина. По-другому сказывались отношения между человеком и государством в советскую эпоху. С одной стороны, целью своей оно ставило всестороннее и гармоничное развитие советского человека, с другой, – во всех сферах жизни укреплялось жесткое партийное руководство. В результате происходили серьезные трансформации во взаимоотношениях человека и государства. Значительно активизировались процессы демократизации общественно-политической жизни, что в итоге привело к распаду Советского государства. Осетинская литература, верная своему родовому свойству отражать правдиво социальную действительность, реалистически раскрыла все этапы становления взаимосвязей человека и государства. Person and state are closely interconnected. The anthropological orientation of the state develops historically. The state itself arose at the dawn of the political history of mankind, in the era of slavery or in a feudal society, like among the Alan-Ossetians, and at the same time the first stage of the relationship between man and the state was formed. The process of the formation of socio-historical ties between a person and the state at the first stage is due to the originality of the emerging state. It consisted of two social entities: the ruling classes and the lower strata. Accordingly, the attitude of the state towards them was different. The state defended the socio-political status of the ruling class, whose interests it served, asserting the position of this class. In general, the state somehow regulated relations between people. A new stage in the relationship between man and state began in the era of capitalism, with the formation of commodity-money relations. It was conditioned by the objective circumstances of the life of the Ossetians, when social life and social consciousness changed significantly. The person, the subject of social life, has also changed. If in the era of feudalism the state was made up of dominant and dependent subjects, then in the 19th century the bourgeois class entered the arena of history, an intelligentsia appeared, emerging not only from the bourgeoisie, but also from the lower strata. This circumstance significantly changed, enriched the functions of the state, and made certain demands on it. Let's say the requirement to be political in nature, i.e. solve political problems and pay attention to every person, citizen. The relationship between man and state in the Soviet era had a different effect. On the one hand, it set its goal the all-round and harmonious development of Soviet people, on the other hand, tough party leadership was strengthened in all spheres of life. As a result, serious transformations took place in the relationship between a person and the state. The processes of democratization of social and political life became much more active, which ultimately led to the collapse of the Soviet state. Ossetian literature, true to its generic property to reflect truthfully social reality, realistically revealed all the stages of the formation of the relationship between man and state. Ключевые слова: государство, человек, осетинская литература, роман, повесть, рассказ, герой, характер.


2011 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-328
Author(s):  
Arskal Salim

This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]


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