DOMESTICATING IMPERIALISM: THE FASHIONING OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-204
Author(s):  
Simon Philpott
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
School Children ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Car Park ◽  
First Time

Upon arriving at Denpasar airport in June 2000, I was greeted by an Australian friend who had recently married a Balinese man. The latter, within moments of our meeting for the first time, challenged me about my having been a UN accredited observer of the independence plebiscite in East Timor some ten months earlier. His was an impassioned if, in my view, not terribly well informed view of the torturous relationship between the former Portuguese colony and the Jakarta-based Indonesian government. My interlocutor insisted that East Timor's future ought to have remained an entirely Indonesian matter and that foreign involvement simply demonstrated the determination of the international community to break up Indonesia. The discussion proceeded as we made our way across the airport car park, and became even more heated when I suggested that it was important not just to consider former President Habibie's motivations for offering a plebiscite but also the record of Suharto's government in laying the ground for an East Timorese departure. Perhaps rather tactlessly, I suggested to my new acquaintance that he reflect upon the dreadful human rights record of the Indonesian military in East Timor. If a response was what I was seeking, I certainly found one. Wayan flashed back at me that he knew with certainty tales of human rights abuses were a lie concocted by hostile countries because the East Timorese had made clear their wish to remain part of Indonesia. Upon further pressing, he argued that the fact East Timorese school children sang the same songs as children from all over the archipelago was evidence of their love for Indonesia and their desire to remain integrated. I was somewhat nonplussed with this turn in discussion and rather unsure as to how to proceed. Could he, I wondered, really believe something that seemed so palpably absurd?

Contemporary Sources of Human Rights Violations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Human Rights Abuse ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Prevalent Form

Given the systematic threats facing humanity, there is an urgent need for new thinking about the human rights project. The most prevalent form of global abuse exists in the form of violence against women and children. Sexual violence has been considered the most pervasive, yet least recognized human rights, abuse in the world. Equally prevalent among the modern sources of threats to physical integrity rights are the pervasive practice of torture and the issue of poverty and the threats it poses to human dignity and human rights. Individual civil-political rights and the rights of minorities, including women, ethnic and religious minorities, and indigenous people have been protected at times and violated at other times by states. Moreover, some observers argue that group rights should be properly understood as an extension of the already recognized collective rights to self-determination of people. But this broad spectrum of human rights violations can be organized into two categories: domestic and international. The domestic sources include both local and national sources of human rights abuses, and international sources entail international and global dimensions. These analyses are interconnected and reinforcing, but they can be contradictory at times. Understanding such complex interrelations is a necessary condition for describing factors and processes leading to abuses. In an applied sense, this understanding is essential for suggesting how we should proceed with the protection of basic human rights. Although there is agreement on the most pressing problems of human suffering, there is no consensus over the answers.

scholarly journals PENGADILAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA SEBAGAI UPAYA PERTAMA DAN TERAKHIR DALAM PENYELESAIAN PELANGGARAN BERAT HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI TINGKAT NASIONAL

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Hastuti
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
International Standards ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Presidential Decree

This article is to examine national courts as a forum first and final settlement of the case enforcement as a gross violation of human rights and that mechanism. Research that is theoretical research, encourage a fuller understanding of the conceptual basis of the principles of law and the process of finding the rule of law, legal principles and legal doctrines in order to answer the legal issues at hand. Based on Presidential Decree No. 53 of 2001 and Act No. 26 of 2004 established an ad hoc human rights court in East Timor, to prosecute accused perpetrators responsible for gross human rights abuses in East Timor after the popular consultation in 1999 and the results are very far from expectations. The cause of the failure of the judicial process can be grouped in the legal and non-legal factors. Legal factors are many weaknesses Act No. 26 of 2004. In addition, law enforcement officers are not credible, so that the resulting decisions do not fulfil international standards as an impartial tribunal and sense of fairness to all parties. While the non-legal factors associated with the political aspects, such as perceived political will is lacking. National mechanisms should be the first and last attempt to resolve as a gross violation of human rights, so there will be no interference from the international court because of the inability and unwillingness of Indonesia. Key words : gross human rights violations, law enforcement, national mechanism

scholarly journals Indonesia dan Responsibility To Protect Etnis Muslim Rohingnya Myanmar

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Hendra Maujana Saragih
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Economic Injustice ◽  
Human Rights Violation

This paper aims to identify and describe the Rohingya Myanmar Muslim ethnic conflicts over the past five years which can thus be gained informative findings that can provide concrete solutions to the end of the conflict in Myanmar and to describe the Indonesian response in resolving this ethnic conflict. This research uses the Concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the Concept of Human Rights Violation in which the Rohingnya Muslim minority group has experienced stages of discrimination and social, cultural, religious, political and economic injustice. This resulted in a backlash from them by strengthening the resistance and spirit of the struggle and also attracted international attention and some countries in Southeast Asia especially Indonesia. This study included to human rights abuses and humiliation emphasizes research questions: How Indonesia Responses in Resolving Rohingya Ethnic Conflicts in Myanmar 2012-2017. The Urgency of this research is to see how the crime of humanity in Southeast Asia especially in Myanmar occurs systemically and the state participates in it. On the other hand ASEAN does not seem to have a clear sense of responsibility towards the community. Here Then where the response and action of Indonesia seen and observed concretely

scholarly journals Constructing an Inadequate Human Rights Regime: Indonesia and the Deliberate Weakening of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights Authority

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darwis
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Stability Theory ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Human Rights Regime ◽  
Human Rights Norms ◽  
Hegemonic Stability

The establishment of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights in 2019 provided hopes for the advancement of human rights in Southeast Asia. As a region that puts forward the notions of consensus and non-sovereignty, concluding regional human rights norms is seen as a first step in solidifying human rights protection in the region. Unfortunately, since its establishment, the commission has failed to fulfill the expectations to implement protection-based regional norms in Southeast Asia, measured by their failure to effectively respond to systemic human rights abuses in the region. This article employs the Neoliberal Institutionalist’s view of Hegemonic Stability Theory (specifically to Robert Keohane) in analyzing how regional hegemons such as Indonesia, have deliberately directed the establishment of a weak human rights regime, in the form of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, which is proven by; (1) The Commission’s deficiencies in human rights protection, and (2) Indonesia’s lack of political will in solidifying human rights regimes in Southeast Asia.

Tilting at Dominos: America and Al Qaeda in Southeast Asia

2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (659) ◽  
pp. 421-426
Author(s):  
Joshua Kurlantzick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Global Campaign ◽  
The Vietnam War

American officials have turned their attention toward Southeast Asian policymaking— something largely ignored since the end of the Vietnam War—and have declared Southeast Asia the ‘second front’ in the global campaign against terror. … [But] backing Southeast Asia's often brutal and compromised militaries, which themselves contain elements linked to Islamist radicals, will only boost human rights abuses, breeding popular resentment and setting the stage for more terror.

Australia and the "Boat People"

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 15-18
Author(s):  
Bruce F. Duncan
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
East Timor ◽  
North Coast ◽  
Northern Australia ◽  
Boat People ◽  
The Past ◽  
Island State ◽  
Southern Island ◽  
First Time

Australia is being forced to hard decisions about its future. More than 3,500 war refugees from Southeast Asia have sailed to northern Australia in the past two years. About 2,500 fled to Darwin harbor from East Timor after the invasion by Indonesia in 1976, and more than 1,000 Indochina refugees have trickled down to Australia's north coast in twenty-nine small boats.The arrival of these people poses far more important questions than their relatively small numbers would suggest. Perhaps for the first time Australia is asking how it could become a multiracial society that includes significant numbers of Asian settlers. The “boat people,” as these refugees are called, have hammered home the fact that the Australian mainland is geographically closer to Indonesia than to the southern island state of Tasmania, though many Australians continue to think of their country as being in “Euro-merica.“

scholarly journals Confronting the Past Abuses: Indonesia and Southeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Priyambudi Sulistiyanto
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Universal Model ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Regional Comparison ◽  
The Past

This article examines the politics of reconciliation in Indonesia and Southeast Asia. It focuses in particular on the case of Talangsari killings in Indonesia and makes a regional comparison with Thailand, Cambodia, the Philippines and Myanmar. The Indonesian experience illustrates some of the complex issues that arise when attempts are made to dealing with past abuses, especially in the context of the constraints and possibilities faced by new democracies. In a comparative perspective what is being experienced in Indonesia is not new in the sense that, as argued by scholars elsewhere, new democracies also have to face this kind of situation.1 This article argues that dealing with the past human rights abuses brings about real power struggles among the contending actors and power holders and it reflects the power structures within and outside the country. It is suggested that there is no “universal” model for dealing with past human rights abuses but some form of accountability which brings together the elements of prosecution, reconciliation and forgiveness could be considered.

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