Strategic Discrimination

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1068-1087
Author(s):  
Regina Bateson

Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate’s identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates’ racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Krieger ◽  
Stephen Sidney

This study investigates the prevalence of self-reported experiences of discrimination based on sexual orientation among black and white women and men (25 to 37 years old) who are members of CARDIA, a multisite longitudinal study of cardiovascular risk factors. Among the 1,724 participants who responded to a 1989 questionnaire obtaining data on lifetime number of sexual partners and who participated in the Year 7 exam (1992–1993), which included questions about discrimination, 204 (12 percent) reported having at least one same-sex sexual partner: 27 (7 percent) of the 412 black women, 13 (6 percent) of the 221 black men, 87 (14 percent) of the 619 white women, and 77 (16 percent) of the 472 white men. Among these four groups, 33, 39, 52, and 56 percent, respectively, reported having experienced discrimination based on sexual orientation. Additionally, 85 percent of the black women and 77 percent of the black men reported having experienced racial discrimination, and 89 percent of the black women and 88 percent of the white women reported having experienced gender discrimination. In the light of research associating negative stressors with poor health outcomes, including elevated blood pressure, future studies should assess public health implications of discrimination based on sexual orientation, in conjunction with racial and gender discrimination.


Circulation ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura R Loehr ◽  
Xiaoxi Liu ◽  
C. Baggett ◽  
Cameron Guild ◽  
Erin D Michos ◽  
...  

Introduction: Since the 1980’s, length of stay (LOS) for acute MI (AMI) has declined in the US. However, little is known about trends in LOS for non-white racial groups and whether change in LOS is related to insurance type or hospital complications. Methods: We determined 22 year trends in LOS for nonfatal (definite or probable) AMI among black and white residents age 35–74 in 4 US communities (N=396,514 in 2008 population) under surveillance in the ARIC Study. Events were randomly sampled and independently validated using a standardized algorithm. All analyses accounted for sampling scheme. We excluded MI events which started after admission (n=1,677), events within 28 days for the same person (n=3,817), hospital transfers (n=571), and those with LOS=0 or LOS >66 (top 0.5% of distribution, N= 144) leaving 22,258 weighted events for analysis. The average annual change in log LOS was modeled using weighted linear regression with year as a quadratic term. All models adjusted for age and secondary models adjusted for insurance type (Medicare, Medicaid, private, or other), and complications during admission (cardiac arrest, cardiogenic shock, or heart failure). Results: The average age-adjusted LOS from 1987 to 2008 was reduced by 5 days in black men (9.5 to 4.5 days); 4.6 days in white women (9.4 to 4.8 days); 4 days in white men (8.3 to 4.3 days) and 3.6 days in black women (9.0 to 5.4 days). Between 1987 and 2008, the age-adjusted average annual percent change (with 95% CI) in LOS was largest for white men at −4.40 percent per year (−4.91, −3.89) followed by −3.89 percent (−4.52, −3.26) for white women, −3.72 percent (−4.46, −2.89) for black men, and −2.94 percent (−3.92, −1.96) for black women (see Figure). Adjustment for insurance type, and complications did not change the pattern by race and gender. Conclusions: Between 1987 and 2008, LOS for AMI declined significantly and similarly in men and women, blacks and whites. These changes appear independent of differences in insurance type and hospital complications among race-gender groups.


Hypertension ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 692-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. Colangelo ◽  
Yuichiro Yano ◽  
David R. Jacobs ◽  
Donald M. Lloyd-Jones

Few studies have assessed the association of resting heart rate (RHR) through young adulthood with incident hypertension by middle age. We investigated the association between RHR measured over 30 years with incident hypertension in a cohort of young Black and White men and women. A joint longitudinal time-to-event model consisting of a mixed random effects submodel, quadratic in follow-up time, and a survival submodel adjusted for confounders, was used to determine hazard ratios for a 10 bpm higher RHR. Race-sex specific effects were examined in a single joint model that included interactions of race-sex groups with longitudinal RHR. Out of 5115 participants enrolled in year 0 (1985–1986), after excluding prevalent cases of hypertension at baseline, 1615 men and 2273 women were included in the analytic cohort. Hypertension event rates per 1000 person-years were 42.5 and 25.7 in Black and White men, respectively, and 36.2 and 15.3 in Black and White women, respectively. The hazard ratios for a 10 bpm higher RHR were 1.47 (95% CI, 1.23–1.75), 1.51 (95% CI, 1.28–1.78), 1.48 (95% CI, 1.26–1.73), and 1.02, (95% CI, 0.89–1.17) for Black men, White men, White women, and Black women, respectively. Higher RHR during young adulthood is associated with a greater risk of incident hypertension by middle age. The association is similarly strong in Black men, White men, and White women, but absent in Black women, which may suggest racial differences in the effect of sympathetic nervous activity on hypertension among women.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Crohan ◽  
Toni C. Antonucci ◽  
Pamela K. Adelmann ◽  
Lerita M. Coleman

Lacking in the research on work and well-being is a focus on the characteristics of the employment role that contribute to well-being and their differential relations across ethnicity and gender. White and Black women and men at midlife (ages 40–64) were studied. The samples were drawn from two national surveys and included 186 White women, 202 White men, 254 Black women, and 169 Black men. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to assess the relation of work commitment, job satisfaction, role stress, occupational status and personal income to perceived control, life satisfaction, and happiness. Marital status, age, and hours worked were included as control variables. Results indicate that job satisfaction is positively related to life satisfaction for all four groups, and to happiness for White women and Black men. Personal income is positively related to perceived control for Black women and White men, and to life satisfaction for White women. Occupational status is positively related to perceived control for White and Black women; role stress is negatively related to life satisfaction among White men, and to happiness among Black women. Among the control variables, being married is positively related to well-being for all four race-sex groups.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000312242110335
Author(s):  
William J. Scarborough ◽  
Joanna R. Pepin ◽  
Danny L. Lambouths ◽  
Ronald Kwon ◽  
Ronaldo Monasterio

Intersectionality scholars have long identified dynamic configurations of race and gender ideologies. Yet, survey research on racial and gender attitudes tends to treat these components as independent. We apply latent class analysis to a set of racial and gender attitude items from the General Social Survey (1977 to 2018) to identify four configurations of individuals’ simultaneous views on race and gender. Two of these configurations hold unified progressive or regressive racial and gender attitudes. The other two formations have discordant racial and gender attitudes, where progressive views on one aspect combine with regressive views on the other. In the majority of survey years, the most commonly held configuration endorsed gender equality but espoused new racialist views that attributed racial disparities to cultural deficiencies. This perspective has become increasingly common since 1977 and is most prevalent among White women and White men, likely due to racial-group interest. Black women and Black men, in contrast, are more likely to embrace progressive racial and gender attitudes. We argue that White men’s gender egalitarianism may be rooted in self-interest, aimed at acquiring resources through intimate relationships. In contrast, Black men adopt progressive racial and gender attitudes to form a necessary coalition with Black women to challenge racism.


Circulation ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 137 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ganga S Bey ◽  
Sharina D Person ◽  
Catarina I Kiefe

Introduction: Variation in exposure to discrimination has been proposed as a contributor to disparities in cardiovascular disease (CVD) among black and white women and men in the U.S. Yet, evidence is conflicting, perhaps due to insufficiently studied race-sex and geographical differences in the pathogenicity of discrimination. We hypothesized that the prevalence of perceived racial discrimination in a variety of settings differs by race, sex, and geographic location. Methods: We used data from CARDIA, a population-based cohort of black and white adults recruited in Birmingham, AL; Chicago, IL; Minneapolis, MN, and Oakland, CA in 1985-6 (year 0). Racial discrimination perceived in several scenarios was assessed using the Lifetime Discrimination Scale at years 7, 15, and 20 (2005-6). We assessed the prevalence at each of these exams and in each scenario, stratified by race-sex group. Results: Prevalence of reported discrimination did not differ markedly over time; we report on year 7 only (n=4,025, figure), with qualitatively similar findings at the other years. Reported discrimination in ≥2 scenarios ranged from 52% in Birmingham to 70% in Minneapolis among black women; among black men, from 65% in Birmingham and 75% in Minneapolis and Oakland. This prevalence was <20% among white women and men in every city. Within all groups, discrimination on the street or in a public setting was most prevalent (p<0.001) and least prevalent in receiving medical care (p<0.001). The proportion of black men reporting discrimination by the police or courts was substantially greater than the other three race-sex groups in each of the four cities (all p<0.001). Conclusions: We found variation in the prevalence of reported racial discrimination across race, sex, and geography. Differences in the experience of discrimination may lead to differences in the health-damaging effects of exposure and partially explain inconsistencies in the evidence of discrimination as a cause of disparities in cardiovascular disease between black and white women and men.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Elizabeth Mosier ◽  
Evava Pietri

This paper examined whether Black women political candidates face double jeopardy in voter perceptions of electability due to Black women being perceived as having fewer traditional leader traits compared to White male, White female, and Black male candidates. Due to increasing political polarization in the U.S., concerns over electability are at the forefront of many voters’ minds when casting their ballots. Traditional conceptions of electability are built upon racialized and gendered notions of what traits connote an effective leader; thus, women and racial minority candidates are often perceived as less electable compared to White men. However, research has not adequately examined the intersectional aspect of electability bias. The current study proposed a double jeopardy effect: we expected that participants (n = 454) would perceive Black women, compared to White men, White women, and Black men, as lower in competence and leadership ability, which would lead to lower electability perceptions and voting intentions. Unexpectedly, there were mixed findings for the effects of race/gender on competence and leadership ability, and we did not find any evidence that candidate race/gender related to electability or voting intentions. We discuss potential explanations for these null findings and suggest avenues for future research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Scarborough ◽  
Joanna R. Pepin ◽  
Danny Lambouths ◽  
Ronald Kwon ◽  
Ronaldo Monasterio

Intersectionality scholars have long identified dynamic configurations of race and gender ideologies. Yet, survey research on racial and gender attitudes has tended to treat these components as independent. We apply latent class analysis to a set of racial and gender attitude items from the General Social Survey (1977 — 2018) to identify four configurations of individuals’ simultaneous views on race and gender. Two of these configurations hold unified progressive or regressive racial and gender attitudes. Two additional formations have discordant racial and gender attitudes where progressive views on one aspect combine with regressive views on the other. In the majority of survey years, the most commonly held configuration endorsed gender equality but espoused new racialist views that attributed racial disparities to cultural deficiencies. This perspective has become increasingly common since 1977 and is most prevalent among White women and White men, likely due to racial-group interest. Black women and Black men, in contrast, are more likely to embrace progressive racial and gender attitudes. We argue that White men’s gender egalitarianism may be rooted in self-interest, aimed to acquire resources through intimate relationships. Among Black men, progressive racial and gender attitudes form a necessary coalition with Black women to challenge racism.


Blood ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 110 (11) ◽  
pp. 3188-3188
Author(s):  
David Green ◽  
Nancy Foiles ◽  
Cheeling Chan ◽  
Pamela J. Schreiner ◽  
David Jacobs ◽  
...  

Abstract Elevated levels of hemostatic factors are observed in patients with atherosclerosis, but whether they promote plaque formation or are a consequence of the disease is uncertain. To examine this issue, we used data from a large biracial cohort of young adults (Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults [CARDIA]) followed up for 13 years, to examine the relationships of hemostatic factors - fibrinogen, factors VII and VIII, and von Willebrand factor (vWF) - with coronary artery calcium (CAC) and carotid intimal-medial thickness (IMT). Complete data were available on 1382 participants, whose mean age was 32 years at enrollment. The age, race, and gender-adjusted prevalence of CAC for increasing quartiles of fibrinogen levels was: 14.0%, 15.0%, 19.6%, and 28.4% (p <0.001 for trend). After further adjustment for BMI, smoking, systolic BP, and total cholesterol, the prevalence of CAC for increasing quartiles of fibrinogen was 15.5%, 16.0%, 19.0%, and 26.4% (p <0.001 for trend). Similar trends were observed for IMT (age, race, and gender-adjusted, p<0.001; multivariable adjusted, p=0.022). When race and gender subgroups were further analyzed, the prevalence of CAC was associated with fibrinogen levels in women and white men after age adjustment, and in women on multivariable analysis. IMT scores adjusted for age were associated with elevated fibrinogen levels in all except black men, and in black women after multivariable adjustment (p=0.003). While the prevalence of CAC was not associated with increasing quartiles of FVII, FVIII, or vWF, IMT scores were associated with elevated FVII on multivariable analysis in white women (p=0.006) and with vWF antigen in white men on age-adjusted (p=0.004) and multivariable analysis (p=0.013). There were no significant associations of hemostatic factors with either the prevalence of CAC or IMT in black men. Participants were categorized as to whether they had 0, 1, or more than 1 hemostatic factors in the highest quartile. After adjustment for age, race, and gender, hemostatic group classification was associated linearly with the prevalence of CAC (p<0.001 for trend) and IMT score (p=0.01 for trend). In conclusion, the main finding from this study is that elevated levels of fibrinogen in persons aged 25 to 37 are associated with the later appearance of subclinical markers of cardiovascular disease. These associations were observed in whites and black women, but not black men. We suggest that atherosclerosis became established during the 13 year observation period, and that increased fibrinogen may have been a contributing factor or a marker for disease development.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICKY CASHMAN

Last night I dreamed of the dead slaves – all the murdered black and bloody men silently gathered at the foot-a my bed. Oh, that awful silence. I wish the dead could scream and fight back. What they do to us …Julia Augustine, Wedding BandHistorical and universal issues of love and hate, patriarchy and bigotry prevail in Alice Childress's tragic drama Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White. Originally written in the early 1960s, the play was not printed or performed professionally until 1966, despite some interest in producing the play on Broadway. Hence, due to its alleged controversial subject matter, the play remained largely unknown to mainstream audiences. Childress, it seems, unfashionably portrays a long-standing, committed interracial relationship set in 1918 South Carolina. This representation conflictingly juxtaposes with the well-documented fervent civil rights period of the mid-1960s. Additionally, with predominantly black and white male civil rights activists peacefully enforcing laws upholding desegregation in the South, Childress demonstrates segregation's insidious nature primarily through the insightfulness and experience of black women. This perceptiveness introduces what Childress herself penned as “anti-woman laws,” patriarchal norms that made living incredibly difficult for black and white women alike.


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