scholarly journals Politics, Passion, Prejudice: Alice Childress's Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White

2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICKY CASHMAN
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Male ◽  
Predominantly Black ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Tragic Drama ◽  
Interracial Relationship

Last night I dreamed of the dead slaves – all the murdered black and bloody men silently gathered at the foot-a my bed. Oh, that awful silence. I wish the dead could scream and fight back. What they do to us …Julia Augustine, Wedding BandHistorical and universal issues of love and hate, patriarchy and bigotry prevail in Alice Childress's tragic drama Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White. Originally written in the early 1960s, the play was not printed or performed professionally until 1966, despite some interest in producing the play on Broadway. Hence, due to its alleged controversial subject matter, the play remained largely unknown to mainstream audiences. Childress, it seems, unfashionably portrays a long-standing, committed interracial relationship set in 1918 South Carolina. This representation conflictingly juxtaposes with the well-documented fervent civil rights period of the mid-1960s. Additionally, with predominantly black and white male civil rights activists peacefully enforcing laws upholding desegregation in the South, Childress demonstrates segregation's insidious nature primarily through the insightfulness and experience of black women. This perceptiveness introduces what Childress herself penned as “anti-woman laws,” patriarchal norms that made living incredibly difficult for black and white women alike.

scholarly journals White Women Mothering Mixed-Race Children in a Black-White Interracial Relationship

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Lu Chen
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Women ◽  
Mixed Race ◽  
Interracial Relationships ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Black British ◽  
The Us ◽  
Interracial Relationship

It is over five decades since ‘River of Blood,’ the speech about race in Britain, has been acknowledged as the symbol of discrimination towards immigration and minorities like Black British. Meanwhile, America, as another traditional western cultural center, has faced more serious issues during the process of human equality. Loving. V. Virginia, as a legal milestone of Civil Rights in the US, has influenced the public attitude of the majority towards interracial union; however, the discrimination and prejudice have become more invisible via the changing of societal environment.  Although the anti-miscegenation movement has been treated as the big step of human rights, the union between black and white faces misunderstanding, even stigmas in their daily lives.  Hence, taking black-white interracial relationships as examples, from white women’s perspective, this essay will examine the dilemma between their own cognition of cultural identities and being partially embedded into a different culture when ‘marrying-out’ and raising mixed-race children. 

Strategic Discrimination

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1068-1087
Author(s):  
Regina Bateson
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Male ◽  
World Politics ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Black And White ◽  
And Gender

Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate’s identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates’ racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.

Geographical disparities of incidence and prevalence of triple-negative breast cancers: Multistate study data analysis.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. e12599-e12599
Author(s):  
Hyein Jeon ◽  
Myeong Lee ◽  
Mohammed Jaloudi
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Significant Relationship ◽  
White Women ◽  
Triple Negative ◽  
The State ◽  
Luminal A ◽  
Black Females ◽  
Black And White ◽  
State Effect

e12599 Background: Higher prevalence of triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) in black women with associated poor outcomes due to various disparities is well documented within a single state. We examine multiple states to better understand the state effect on such differences in incidence and prevalence of TNBC in black women. Methods: Female patients of ages 19 years old and above with breast cancer from the Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) Program across 13 states (608 counties) from 2015 (n = 66,444) and 2016 (n = 66,122) were examined. The relationships between the proportion of black and white women and the rate of patients with different tumor subtypes (luminal A, luminal B, HR-HER2+, and triple negative) were examined at the county level using ordinary least-square regression models. In parallel, due to consideration of various state-specific healthcare policies, socio-cultural norms, and socio-economic disparities, multi-level regression models were applied to examine the nested, random effect of each state on TNBC prevalence in each county. Bonferroni correction was applied to reduce the Type I error caused by repeated use of the same variables in multiple tests. Results: The baseline breast cancer rates between black and white women were similar in the population (0.171% for black and 0.168% for white). Consistent to previous studies, we demonstrate a significant positive correlation (p < 0.001) in TNBC in black females in both years. Surprisingly, when accounted for the random effects on states, 38.2% (2015) and 34.3% (2016) increase in incidence of TNBC in black females were seen, suggestive of state-specific disparity affecting race-specific health. In 2015, other subtypes of breast cancer in both black and white females did not result in significant relationship. Interestingly, in 2016, there was a significant relationship seen between the TNBC rate in white females and the white female population rate only after adjusting for the state effect (p = 0.026). This indicates the impact of non-biological factors such as state-wide health policies. Additionally, HR-HER2+ black females had a significant relationship against respective population rate only after adjusting for the state effect as well (p = 0.0394). For luminal A white females, a 15% decrease in incidence was seen after adjusting for state effect (p = 0.0424). Conclusions: This is the first known across-state examination of breast cancer subtypes by race with random effects on state. This study shows the role of state-specific factors affecting incidence in black and white females and potentially indicates the importance of state-level management for breast cancer on health disparities in addition to race-driven effects. Further studies are needed to elucidate comparable differences between states affecting the rates of various subtypes of breast cancer and thus health outcomes.

Abstract MP008: Racial Differences in Total, Free, and Bioavailable 25(OH)D and PTH Levels and CVD Risk Among Postmenopausal Women

Circulation ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 135 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Zhang ◽  
Wanzhu Tu ◽  
Lesley Tinker ◽  
JoAnn E Manson ◽  
Simin Liu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Vitamin D ◽  
Cohort Study ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Postmenopausal Women ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
White Women ◽  
Sitting Time ◽  
Cvd Risk ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Circulating Levels

Background: Recent evidence suggests that racial differences in circulating levels of free or bioavailable 25(OH)D rather than total 25(OH)D may explain the apparent racial disparities in cardiovascular disease(CVD).However, few prospective studies have directly tested this hypothesis. Objective: Our study prospectively examined black white differences in the associations of total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D, vitamin D binding protein (VDBP), and parathyroid hormone (PTH) levels at baseline with incident CVD in a large, multi-ethnic, geographically diverse cohort of postmenopausal women. Method: We conducted a case-cohort study among 79,705 black and non-Hispanic white postmenopausal women aged 50 to 79 years and free of CVD at baseline in the Women’s Health Initiative Observational Study (WHI-OS). We included a randomly chosen subcohort of 1,300 black and 1,500 white noncases at baseline and a total of 550 black and 1,500 white women who developed incident CVD during the follow up. We directly measured circulating levels of total 25(OH)D, VDBP (monoclonal antibody assay), albumin, and PTH and calculated free and bioavailable vitamin D levels. Weighted Cox proportional hazards models were used while adjusting for known CVD risk factors. Results: At baseline, white women had higher mean levels of total 25(OH)D and VDBP and lower mean levels of free and bioavailable 25(OH)D and PTH than black women (all P values < 0.0001). White cases had lower levels of total 25(OH)D and VDBP and higher levels of PTH than white noncases, while black cases had higher levels of PTH than black noncases (all P values < 0.05). There was a trend toward an increased CVD risk associated with low total 25(OH)D and VDBP levels or elevated PTH levels in both US black and white women. In the multivariable analyses, the total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D, and VDBP were not significantly associated with CVD risk in black or white women. A statistically significant association between higher PTH levels and increased CVD risk persisted in white women, however. The multivariate-adjusted hazard ratios [HRs] comparing the extreme quartiles of PTH were 1.37 (95% CI: 1.06-1.77; P-trend=0.02) for white women and 1.12 (95% CI: 0.79-1.58; P-trend=0.37) for black women. This positive association among white women was also independent of total, free, and bioavailable 25(OH)D or VDBP. There were no significant interactions with other pre-specified factors, including BMI, season of blood draw, sunlight exposure, recreational physical activity, sitting time, or renal function. Interpretation: Findings from a large multiethnic case-cohort study of US black and white postmenopausal women do not support the notion that circulating levels of vitamin D biomarkers may explain black-white disparities in CVD but indicate that PTH excess may be an independent risk factor for CVD in white women.

Women in the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Greene
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black Power ◽  
White Male ◽  
Black Freedom Struggle ◽  
Freedom Struggle ◽  
Black Freedom

Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X are the names that come to mind for most Americans if asked about the civil rights or Black Power movements. Others may point to Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, both of whom backed pathbreaking civil rights legislation. However, recent scholarship suggests that neither black male leaders nor white male presidents were always the most important figures in the modern struggle for black freedom. Presidents took their cues not simply from male luminaries in civil rights organizations. Rather, their legislative initiatives were largely in response to grassroots protests in which women, especially black women, were key participants. African American women played major roles in local and national organizing efforts and frequently were the majority in local chapters of groups as dissimilar as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Black Panther Party. Even familiar names like Rosa Parks and Coretta Scott King have become little more than sanitized national icons, while their decades-long efforts to secure racial, economic, and gender justice remain relatively unknown. Aside from activists and scholars, even fewer of us know much, if anything, about the female allies of the black freedom struggle, including white southerners as well as other women of color. A closer look at the women who made enormous contributions to both the modern civil rights and Black Power movements sheds new light on these struggles, including the historic national victories we think we fully understand, such as the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. In short, examining women’s participation in the “long civil rights movement,” which historians increasingly date to the New Deal and World War II, calls for a redefinition of more conventional notions of leadership, protest, and politics.

Triple-Negative Breast Cancer: A Comparison of Race and Survival

2018 ◽  
Vol 84 (6) ◽  
pp. 881-888
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Doepker ◽  
Scott D. Holt ◽  
Martin W. Durkin ◽  
Christopher H. Chu ◽  
James M. Nottingham
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Cancer Patients ◽  
Triple Negative Breast Cancer ◽  
White Women ◽  
Triple Negative ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
Breast Cancer Patients ◽  
Aggressive Subtype

Triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) is an aggressive subtype of breast cancer with a high prevalence in blacks. South Carolina demographically has a high percentage of blacks. This study examines survival and recurrence associated with TNBC in black and white women. A retrospective review of breast cancer patients within the Palmetto Health Cancer Registry was performed from 1999 to 2015. Patient demographics and tumor characteristics were collected and correlated with outcomes. Overall survival (OS), disease-specific survival (DSS), and recurrence-free survival (RFS) were analyzed. The total number of breast cancer patients in the registry was 1723 (1085—white and 638—black). The median follow-up was 48.4 months. The majority of cancers diagnosed in both cohorts were early stage (I, IIA, IIB, 93.4% vs 90.4% P = NS). We identified 332 patients with TNBC. Of those 332 patients, 144 (43.4%) were whites and 188 (56.6%) were blacks. Older age (P = 0.01), high-grade (P < 0.001), and black race (P < 0.001) were significantly associated with TNBC on multivariate analysis. Five- and 10-year OS was significantly worse in blacks with TNBC (P < 0.001). There was no difference in DSS or RFS between the two cohorts. TNBC disproportionately affects black women and is an aggressive subtype of breast cancer with limited treatment options compared with receptor-positive breast cancer. Black patients with TNBC in our study had statistically worse OS. These findings are similar to what has been reported in the literature and prompts further research in newer targeted therapies.

The Natural Hair Bias in Job Recruitment

2020 ◽  
pp. 194855062093793
Author(s):  
Christy Zhou Koval ◽  
Ashleigh Shelby Rosette
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Job Applicants ◽  
White Female ◽  
Job Interview ◽  
Natural Hair ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Job Recruitment

Across four studies, we demonstrate a bias against Black women with natural hairstyles in job recruitment. In Study 1, participants evaluated profiles of Black and White female job applicants across a variety of hairstyles. We found that Black women with natural hairstyles were perceived to be less professional, less competent, and less likely to be recommended for a job interview than Black women with straightened hairstyles and White women with either curly or straight hairstyles. We replicated these findings in a controlled experiment in Study 2. In Study 3A and 3B, we found Black women with natural hairstyles received more negative evaluations when they applied for a job in an industry with strong dress norms. Taken together, this article advances the research on biases in the labor market in the age of social media use and highlights the importance of taking an intersectional approach when studying inequity in the workplace.

scholarly journals “Hell Is Popping Here in South Carolina”: Orangeburg County Black Teachers and Their Community in the Immediate Post-Brown Era

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62
Author(s):  
Candace Cunningham
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Black Teachers ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Training School ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Equal Education ◽  
Long Civil Rights Movement

When the South Carolina legislature created the anti-NAACP oath in 1956, teachers across the state lost their positions. But it was the dismissal of twenty-one teachers at the Elloree Training School that captured the attention of the NAACP and Black media outlets. In the years following Brown v. Board of Education, South Carolina's Black and White communities went head-to-head in the battle over White supremacy versus expanded civil rights. The desegregation movement in 1955 and 1956 placed Black teachers’ activism in the spotlight—activism that mirrored what was happening in their community. This largely unknown episode of civil rights activism demonstrates that Black teachers were willing to serve not only as behind-the-scenes supporters in the equal education struggle but as frontline activists. Furthermore, it shows that South Carolina was an integral site of the long civil rights movement.

Black and White Women's Attitudes toward Interracial Marriage

1991 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 753-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela S. Paset ◽  
Ronald D. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Interracial Marriage ◽  
The Other ◽  
Research Needs ◽  
Response Scale ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Black And White

50 white women and 50 black women, US citizens between the ages 18 and 23 years, were asked to rate their attitudes about interracial marriage on a 10-point response scale. The white women were somewhat more favorable, if not significantly so, than the black women about men and women of their race marrying persons of another race. However, scorers at the extremes of the scale were significantly different. The white women tended to cluster at the scale extreme favoring interracial marriage, whereas the black women tended to cluster at the other unfavorable extreme. Implications and research needs are discussed.

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