EXPELLING THE FOREIGN-BORN MENACE: IMMIGRANT DISSENT, THE EARLY DEPORTATION STATE, AND THE FIRST AMERICAN RED SCARE

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Pope-Obeda
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Immigrant Populations ◽  
Immigrant Politics ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First Red Scare

This essay explores the impact of the First Red Scare on immigrant populations, focusing on the function that detentions, deportations, and attempted deportations occupied within the broader antiradical politics of the period. I assert that deportations were far more than an instrumentalist tactic of the Red Scare, but instead, were part of a much longer trajectory of expanding anti-immigrant enforcement and the postentry social control of foreign-born residents. Antiradical raids during the era have held a prominent place in the scholarly imagination, which has remained overly constrained by the exceptionalist and episodic narratives put forth by its earliest historians. I trace the evolution of scholarship on the Red Scare's temporal boundaries, the motivations for targeting immigrants, and the debates over how radical a rupture this period represented from earlier practices of antiradicalism and anti-immigrant politics. In doing so, I argue that Red Scare deportations must be understood in relationship to the broader deportation practices of the period and the rapid (and more consistent) growth of removals instigated because of racialized criteria of poverty, crime, health, or violations of an ever-stricter border regime.

Wrestling with 9/11: Immigrant Perceptions and Perceptions of Immigrants

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Brettell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Asian Indians ◽  
World Trade Center ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fort Worth ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Immigrant Populations ◽  
Trade Center ◽  
The Impact

Soon after 9/11 a research project to study new immigration into the Dallas Fort Worth metropolitan area got under way. In the questionnaire that was administered to 600 immigrants across five different immigrant populations (Asian Indians, Vietnamese, Mexicans, Salvadorans, and Nigerians) between 2003 and 2005 we decided to include a question about the impact of 9/11 on their lives. We asked: “How has the attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 affected your position as an immigrant in the United States?” This article analyzes the responses to this question, looking at similarities and differences across different immigrant populations. It also addresses the broader issue of how 9/11 has affected both immigration policy and attitudes toward the foreign-born in the United States. 

Means-Tested Safety Net Programs and Hispanic Families: Evidence from Medicaid, SNAP, and WIC

2021 ◽  
Vol 696 (1) ◽  
pp. 274-305
Author(s):  
Marianne Bitler ◽  
Lisa A. Gennetian ◽  
Christina Gibson-Davis ◽  
Marcos A. Rangel
Keyword(s):  
Safety Net ◽  
Program Participation ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Supplemental Nutrition ◽  
Assistance Program ◽  
Hispanic Families ◽  
Hispanic Mothers ◽  
Nutrition Assistance ◽  
Antipoverty Programs ◽  
Immigrant Politics

Hispanic families have historically used means-tested assistance less than high-poverty peers, and one explanation for this may be that anti-immigrant politics and policies are a barrier to program participation. We document the participation of Hispanic children in three antipoverty programs by age and parental citizenship and the correlation of participation with state immigrant-based restrictions. Hispanic citizen children with citizen parents participate in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Medicaid more than Hispanic citizen children with noncitizen parents. Foreign-born Hispanic mothers use Medicaid less than their socioeconomic status would suggest. However, little evidence exists that child participation in Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) varies by mother’s nativity: foreign-born mothers of Hispanic infants participate in WIC at higher rates than U.S.-born Hispanic mothers. State policies that restrict immigrant program use correlate to lower SNAP and Medicaid uptake among citizen children of foreign-born Hispanic mothers. WIC participation may be greater because it is delivered through nonprofit clinics, and WIC eligibility for immigrants is largely unrestricted.

The misuse of drugs act – a user perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mat Southwell
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Drug User ◽  
Drug Policy ◽  
Policy Reform ◽  
People Who Use Drugs ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Drug Policy Reform

Purpose This paper aims to demonstrate the ways in which the Misuse of Drugs Act (MDA) militates against the interests and situations of people who use drugs. The author reflects on the author’s journey as a drug user, drugs workers and drug user organiser to critique the MDA. The author describes the impact of the MDA on the author’s early experimentation with substances and highlights the limitations of simplistic drugs prevention. The author describes how the MDA maximises drug-related risks and undermines the creation of healthy cultural norms and community learning among people who use drugs. The author talks about the author’s work as a drugs practitioner and mourns the vandalism of the UK’s harm reduction and drug treatment system. This paper describes the opportunity to use drug policy reform as a progressive electoral agenda to begin the journey towards racial and social justice. This paper calls for the rejection of the Big Drugs Lie and the repeal of the failed MDA. Design/methodology/approach Personal reflection based on experience as drug user, drugs worker and drug user organiser. Findings Successive UK Governments have used the MDA as a tool of social control and racial discrimination. The Big Drugs Lie undermines science-based and rights-compliant drug policy and drug services and criminalises and puts young people at risk. There is the potential to build a progressive political alliance to remove the impediment of the MDA and use drug policy reform as tools for racial and social justice. Practical implications The MDA maximises the harms faced by people who use drugs, stokes stigma and discrimination and has undermined the quality of drug services. The MDA needs to be exposed and challenged as a tool for social control and racial discrimination. Delivering drug policy reform as a progressive electoral strategy could maximise its potential to improve social and racial justice. Originality/value This paper represents the view of people who use drugs by a drug user, a view which is seldom expressed in the length and level of argument shown here.

The 1950s: Part Two

2019 ◽  
pp. 195-248
Author(s):  
Steven K. Green
Keyword(s):  
Red Scare ◽  
Religious Revival ◽  
Billy Graham ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Congressional Investigations ◽  
The Church

This chapter continues with the examination of the church–state events of the 1950s. It begins with the Protestant–Catholic tensions associated with the Red Scare and the congressional investigations into communism, particularly the controversy surrounding Catholic support for the activities of Senator Joseph McCarthy. It continues with an examination of a thawing of religious tensions brought about by the religious revival of the 1950s and the growth of ecumenism and religious cooperation. This section focuses on the impact of three religious figures: Bishop Fulton Sheen, Billy Graham, and Norman Vincent Peale. The chapter concludes with an examination of the Protestant opposition to the candidacy of John F. Kennedy for U.S. president, an effort that was led by Graham, Peale, and POAU.

The Adversity and Empathy of Emma Goldman

2019 ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Nolan Bennett
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
Structural Injustice ◽  
Attempted Murder ◽  
The People ◽  
The Family ◽  
William Mckinley ◽  
Emma Goldman ◽  
First Red Scare

Chapter 4 examines how Emma Goldman wrote her 1931 Living My Life to challenge the state authority that had deported her during the first Red Scare, turning inward before a global audience to analyze experiences in the family, factory, anarchist circles, prison, and in nursing. Through autobiography Goldman theorized two approaches to antiauthoritarian politics. Whereas an adversarial approach aimed to emancipate the people through targeting and removing agents of oppression, empathy would raise awareness of the people that suffer structural injustice. The chapter traces this shift in anarchist politics across Goldman’s descriptions of her assistance with the attempted murder of Henry Clay Frick and her response to the assassination of President William McKinley. Recognizing Goldman’s claim of experience elevates Living My Life among her anarcha-feminist essays and speeches, and it explains why she revealed her previously secret involvement with the attack on Frick though it made difficult her return to the United States.

Effects of the Your Family, Your Neighborhood Intervention on Neighborhood Social Processes

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Daniel Brisson ◽  
Stephanie Lechuga Peña ◽  
Nicole Mattocks ◽  
Mark Plassmeyer ◽  
Sarah McCune
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Urban Neighborhoods ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
Neighborhood Social Cohesion ◽  
Quasi Experimental ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Larger Sample

Abstract The objective of this study was to ascertain whether participation in the Your Family, Your Neighborhood (YFYN) intervention, an intervention for families living in low-income neighborhoods, leads to improved perceptions of neighborhood social cohesion and informal neighborhood social control. Fifty-two families in three low-income, urban neighborhoods participated in the manualized YFYN intervention. In this quasi-experimental study treatment families (n = 37) in two low-income neighborhoods received YFYN and control families (n = 15) from one separate low-income neighborhood did not. Families receiving YFYN attended 10 two-hour skills-based curriculum sessions during which they gathered for a community dinner and participated in parent- and child-specific skills-based groups. Treatment families reported increases in both neighborhood social cohesion and informal neighborhood social control after receiving YFYN. However, families receiving YFYN did not experience statistically significant improvements in perceptions of neighborhood social cohesion or informal neighborhood social control compared with nontreatment families. In conclusion, the delivery of YFYN in low-income neighborhoods may improve perceptions of neighborhood social cohesion. Further testing, with randomization and a larger sample, should be conducted to provide a more robust understanding of the impact of YFYN.

scholarly journals Lyon's Wagnerian Diva: Louise Janssen (1863–1938)

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 214-236
Author(s):  
Katharine Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Fin De Siecle ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Box Office ◽  
Fin De Siècle ◽  
The Impact

AbstractIt seems historiographically implausible to ascribe the reputation of fin-de-siècle Lyon as France's Bayreuth to the impact of a single middle-ranking soprano, but the Danish singer Louise Janssen's long-term presence, galvanic musical influence and box-office value suggest precisely that conclusion. Part of the explanation lies with the diva-worship of her supporters (‘Janssenistes’), who curated her image both during her career and in her retirement to create an adopted musical heroine whose memory remains guarded by Lyon council policy. That image, selectively constructed from among her Wagner roles, also typecast her as a singer who had much in common with Symbolist art – a potential Mélisande that Lyon never saw. This article brings together archival and press materials to explain how a foreign-born singer's agency and mythification contributed to a double French naturalisation – her own, and that of Wagner(ism).

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