POLITICAL PARTIES, IMMIGRATION, AND PANETHNICITY

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 665-684
Author(s):  
G. Cristina Mora

AbstractMost studies on panethnicity have focused on the United States, leaving researchers with little understanding of how it becomes institutionalized in areas with different racial politics and histories. Drawing on fifty-two in-depth interviews with Latin American immigrant leaders, political party operatives, and bureaucrats, in addition to fourteen weeks of participant observation, I examine the establishment of panethnic Latino coalitions in the Barcelona, Spain, which has witnessed a sharp increase in Latin American migration. I argue that unlike in the United States, in Spain political parties play a critical role in establishing panethnic coalitions. They do so by enabling the development of panethnic civic organizations that they hope will be politically loyal to them. Latin American immigrant leaders respond to these efforts by cooperating with parties while also resisting political pressure. Specifically, immigrant leaders forge networks with one another that cross party lines, use media to promote the nonpartisan aspects of panethnicity, and construct cultural and instrumental narratives about panethnic unity. These strategies help immigrant leaders weather political shifts and make panethnicity seem to have arisen organically. Panethnicity is forged as a strategic, cultural, and experiential form of community identification precisely through this interaction between parties, immigrant leaders, and media. Implications for understanding how panethnicity becomes institutionalized and avenues for further international research on panethnicity are discussed.

2020 ◽  
pp. 0192513X2094855
Author(s):  
Karen Z. Kramer ◽  
Esra Şahin ◽  
Qiujie Gong

Immigration to a host culture often involves significant changes in parenting norms and behaviors. The authors take an acculturation lens to explore parental involvement among different generations of Latin American immigrant families. It compares the quantity and type of parental involvement of first- and second-generation Latin American immigrants to that of parents who are at least a third generation in the United States while examining whether differences exist between mothers and fathers. Data from the 2003–2013 American Time Use Survey are used for our analyses, which finds differences between parenting behaviors of first-generation immigrants from Latin America and third-generation parents. Second-generation mothers were also found to be significantly different from third-generation mothers in almost every type of parental involvement, while second-generation Latin American fathers were similar to third-generation fathers in quantity and type of parental involvement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 669-679
Author(s):  
Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios

This article, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in-depth interviews with 43 Mexican sex traffickers, analyses the strategies used by sex traffickers to recruit women from Mexico and Central America demanded by the US illegal sex industry. We conclude that trafficking is a demand-led industry. Traffickers recruit vulnerable women from Mexico and Central America who fit with US procurers’ requirements. Foreign girls smuggled into the United States should be young (in many cases underage girls), beautiful, slim and healthy. Mexican sex traffickers’ job is to entice with salaries in US dollars impoverished Latin American girls who do not want to migrate or enter prostitution. Maintaining trafficked women captive against their will is more time consuming and less profitable than wining women’s will with a salary


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelly A. McGrath ◽  
Ruth A. Chananie-Hill

Based on participant observation and in-depth interviews with 10 college-level female bodybuilders, this paper focuses on several aspects of female bodybuilding that are underexplored in existing literature, including purposeful gender transgressions, gender attribution, racialized bodies, and the conflation of sex, gender, and sexual preference. We draw on critical feminist theory and the social constructionist perspective to enhance collective understanding of the subversive possibilities emerging from female bodybuilders’ lived experience. Collectively, female bodybuilders’ experiences affect somatic and behavioral gender norms in a wider Western-type industrialized society such as the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Marina Ariza

En este artículo se contrastan las experiencias laborales de dos grupos de inmigrantes latinoamericanas (mexicanas y dominicanas) en dos subsectores de los servicios reproductivos en el hogar (servicio doméstico y de cuidado). Al hacerlo se destacan los factores socioinstitucionales y sociodemográficos que enmarcan la experiencia laboral. La precariedad en las condiciones de trabajo –sancionada en la institucionalidad del régimen laboral– y la especificidad del espacio doméstico como ámbito laboral son los factores que mayor continuidad otorgan a las vivencias de las inmigrantes. Las disimilitudes provienen de la interrelación entre el estatus migratorio y el régimen laboral en virtud del distinto papel que juegan estos dos flujos migratorios en el contexto de la migración latinoamericana a Estados Unidos, de ciertos rasgos sociodemográficos de las sociedades de origen, y del sentido que subjetivamente atribuyen a la actividad.AbstractThis paper contrasts the work experiences of two groups of Latin American immigrant women (Mexicans and Dominicans) in two subsectors of reproductive services in the home (domestic work and care). It highlights the socio-institutional and socio-demographic factors framing the experience. Precarious working conditions, sanctioned by the institutionality of the labor-regime and the domestic sphere as a workplace, are the factors that lend the greatest continuity to these experiences. The dissimilarities are derived from the interplay between immigration status and labor regime due to the different roles played by these two migratory flows in the context of Latin American migration to the United States, certain socio-demographic traits of the societies of origin, and the differential subjective meaning attributed to such activities. 


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.


Author(s):  
Jean H. Baker

Building America: The Life of Benjamin Henry Latrobe is a biography of America’s first professionally trained architect and engineer. Born in 1764, Latrobe was raised in Moravian communities in England and Germany. His parents expected him to follow his father and brother into the ministry, but he rebelled against the church. Moved to London, he studied architecture and engineering. In 1795 he emigrated to the United States and became part of the period’s Transatlantic Exchange. Latrobe soon was famous for his neoclassical architecture, designing important buildings, including the US Capitol and Baltimore Basilica as well as private homes. Carpenters and millwrights who built structures more cheaply and less permanently than Latrobe challenged his efforts to establish architecture as a profession. Rarely during his twenty-five years in the United States was he financially secure, and when he was, he speculated on risky ventures that lost money. He declared bankruptcy in 1817 and moved to New Orleans, the sixth American city that he lived in, hoping to recoup his finances by installing a municipal water system. He died there of yellow fever in 1820. The themes that emerge in this biography are the critical role Latrobe played in the culture of the early republic through his buildings and his genius in neoclassical design. Like the nation’s political founders, Latrobe was committed to creating an exceptional nation, expressed in his case by buildings and internal improvements. Additionally, given the extensive primary sources available for this biography, an examination of his life reveals early American attitudes toward class, family, and religion.


Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

During Latin America’s third democratic wave, a majority of countries adopted a runoff rule for the election of the president. This book is the first rigorous assessment of the implications of runoff versus plurality for democracy in the region. Despite previous scholarly skepticism about runoff, it has been positive for Latin America, and could be for the United States also. Primarily through qualitative analysis for each Latin American country, I explore why runoff is superior to plurality. Runoff opens the political arena to new parties but at the same time ensures that the president does not suffer a legitimacy deficit and is not at an ideological extreme. By contrast, in a region in which undemocratic political parties are common, the continuation of these parties is abetted by plurality; political exclusion provoked disillusionment and facilitated the emergence of presidents at ideological extremes. In regression analysis, runoff was statistically significant to superior levels of democracy. Between 1990 and 2016, Freedom House and Varieties of Democracy scores plummeted in countries with plurality but improved in countries with runoff. Plurality advocates’ primary concern is the larger number of political parties under runoff. Although a larger number of parties was not significant to inferior levels of democracy, a plethora of parties is problematic, leading to a paucity of legislative majorities and inchoate parties. To ameliorate the problem, I recommend not reductions in the 50% threshold but the scheduling of the legislative election after the first round or thresholds for entry into the legislature.


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