The (non) particularities of West European radical left party supporters: comparing left party families

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgos Charalambous ◽  
Iasonas Lamprianou

So far little has been done to explore similarities and differences between radical left parties and other traditionally perceived party families of the left at the societal level. A noticeable gap thus remains in the study of the European radical left: whether and in what ways social divides form the basis of radical left party support. Using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey (2008), for five West European countries, we investigate radical left party supporters’ socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics, juxtaposing them with those of social democratic party supporters and green party supporters. Our approach departs from related studies by distinguishing three cognitional operations within the economic left-right axis, that are based on the distinction between ideals and their effects on reality; and by testing for intra-left divides revolving around trust. Based on insights from cleavage research, we devise a number of hypotheses, most of which test positively. Our findings suggest left party families across Western Europe do reflect certain lines of division in society, albeit with qualifications. While structural divides are not found to be significant, there appears to be correspondence between political and attitudinal divides on a three-dimensional space. These concern the cognitive divisions within the economic left-right axis, issues of political trust, and attitudes towards the environment. Our findings have conceptual and empirical implications both for the left and for investigations into cleavage politics.

Author(s):  
N. Rabotyazhev

The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-79
Author(s):  
Vladislav Parlyk

The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life.


Author(s):  
H. Tudor

Rosa Luxemburg, of Polish-Jewish origins, was for most of her life a prominent activist and theorist on the radical left of the German Social Democratic Party. She defended revolutionary Marxism against the ‘revisionist’ critique ofEduard Bernstein; she developed an original and controversial Marxist theory of imperialism; and she advocated direct revolutionary action by the masses, as contrasted with Lenin’s insistence on ‘democratic centralism’ and the leading role of the Party.


2021 ◽  
pp. 41-73
Author(s):  
Erik R. Tillman

This chapter engages in a descriptive analysis of authoritarianism in Western Europe and its relationship to economic, social, and political attitudes. It considers the definition of authoritarianism and how it is distinct from related concepts such as conservatism. The descriptive analysis addresses several important questions. First, it examines the distribution of authoritarianism in West European societies, along with its relationship to education, age, and gender. Then, it examines the relationship between authoritarianism and socio-cultural, political, and economic attitudes. The analysis finds that authoritarianism is closely related to socio-cultural attitudes on matters such as acceptance of same-sex marriage, endorsement of traditional gender roles, immigration, and ethnocentrism. Authoritarianism also correlates with attitudes towards democracy and political trust. However, high authoritarians are not meaningfully different from low authoritarians on economic questions. These findings point to an important conclusion for this book’s argument. Because high authoritarians vary from low authoritarians most on socio-cultural attitudes, it is likely that the factors driving the worldview issue are socio-cultural rather than economic in nature.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-226
Author(s):  
Ülo Laanoja

The most important issue in today's Estonia is undoubtedly everyday security in the streets and at home. As there has been an explosive growth in crime and particularly serious crime, the police often lack the resources (both time and people) to tackle petty crime which affects the man on the street most directly. Most of the serious crimes are connected with the settling of accounts among criminal gangs which can affect ordinary citizens too, since they are often accidentally caught up in such conflicts. Organized crime is directed at making new successful businessmen pay “taxes,” which in future can slow down economic activity, although this is not happening yet. Currently, part of the “successful” criminal structures try to secure positions in legal economic structures (by money laundering), and there are clear indications that at least some of them have succeeded. The main roots of organized crime are in the former Soviet Union, and insufficient border control contributes to its penetration into Estonia. The criminal gangs of the former Soviet Union are not just a problem for Estonia or the Baltics but also for the police in Central and Western Europe. Besides, the spread of organized crime may rest on structures created on the instructions and financing of the KGB, and that in certain situations these structures may serve political orders.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document