scholarly journals Should Judges Make Climate Change Law?

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Burgers

AbstractWhat scholars referred to as a climate change litigation ‘explosion’ in 2015 has today become an established movement which is unlikely to stop in the near future: worldwide, over a thousand lawsuits have been launched regarding responsibility for the dangers of climate change. Since the beginning of this trend in transnational climate litigation scholars have warned that the separation of powers is threatened where judges interfere with the politically hot issue of climate change. This article uses Jürgen Habermas's political theory on deliberative democracy to reconstruct the tension between law and politics generated by these lawsuits. This reconstruction affords a better understanding of the implications of climate change litigation: while the role of the judiciary as such remains unchanged, the trend is likely to influence the democratic legitimacy of judicial lawmaking on climate change, as it indicates an increasing realization that a sound environment is a constitutional value and is therefore a prerequisite for democracy.

2021 ◽  

The current political debates about climate change or the coronavirus pandemic reveal the fundamental controversial nature of expertise in politics and society. The contributions in this volume analyse various facets, actors and dynamics of the current conflicts about knowledge and expertise. In addition to examining the contradictions of expertise in politics, the book discusses the political consequences of its controversial nature, the forms and extent of policy advice, expert conflicts in civil society and culture, and the global dimension of expertise. This special issue also contains a forum including reflections on the role of expertise during the coronavirus pandemic. The volume includes perspectives from sociology, political theory, political science and law.


Author(s):  
Eva Erman

This chapter discusses the ethical limits of global democracy, which are here understood as the conditions under which global democracy should be construed (formulated and justified) and promoted in real politics. The aim is not to develop and defend a substantive account of global democracy, but to bring up some basic concerns that are essential to address when analysing the limits of global democracy as well as to suggest some fruitful ways to approach them. The chapter focuses on two types of moral constraint on construing and promoting global democracy. The first type of constraint is set by empirical concerns, which highlights central methodological discussions of the role of ideal and non-ideal theorizing in International Political Theory (IPT). The second type of constraint is set by normative concerns, which highlights questions about the role of principles of democratic legitimacy and their applicability.


Author(s):  
Mathew D. McCubbins ◽  
Daniel B. Rodriguez

This article discusses the judiciary and the role of law. It talks about the implications of the approach for issues in statutory interpretation, and then examines the relationship between the legal and political controls of bureaucracy. The last section in the article focuses on the implications for judicial independence within the larger separation-of-powers system. The emerging literature on Positive Political Theory (PPT) further stresses the political nature of legal decision-making and the dynamic relationship among the legislative, judicial, and executive branches.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
PATRICIA BENEDITA APARECIDA BRAGA ◽  
◽  
FABIO LANZA ◽  

Abstract In theoretical and empirical terms, the climate change is seen in the current study as a set of themes containing the perspective of "coming to occur in a near future". However, thinking about the Island State of Tuvalu as a possible illustrative example of the direct occurrence of climate change adds a new analytical perspective to the existing literature, because the inversion from "coming to occur" to "is occurring" may change the resolution focus and give visibility to the affected ones. The aim of the current study is to reflect about the Tuvaluan climate change case based on literature review and documentary research and anchored on Political Theory and Sociology authors who use citizenship, human rights and sovereignty as research themes. It is concluded that Tuvalu illustrates the understanding of climate change and is a probable case of "non-future" for the unassisted ones.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-30
Author(s):  
Patrick O’Mahony

The contemporary crisis of democratic governance, heralded in opposing political philosophies since the 1960s, carries on into the present. One response is simply to maintain the procedural core of a liberal-pluralist model of democracy. The essay, drawing inspiration from ideas of responsibility emerging from the civil societal periphery, instead follows more radical democratic models in proposing that the status and role of public participation, and with it deliberative democracy, should be rethought. The paper concludes with some reflections on the empirical-theoretical implications for social and political theory.


Author(s):  
Anthony R. Zito

New policy instruments have come onto the policy agenda since the 1970s, but there is a real question as to whether the ideas behind the design of such tools are actually all that “new” when you assess the role of the policy instrument in its particular institutional and policy context. Taking Hood’s 1983 categorization of instruments as tools that manipulate society to achieve public goals via nodality (information), authority, treasure (finance), or organization, we can find instances where innovations in these areas pre-date the 1970s. Nevertheless, the mention of these instruments in international organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and national institutions and debates as the means for both improving governance and protecting economic efficiency have increased in light of a number of interacting trends: the rise of neo-liberal and new management ideologies, the increasing perception of a number of wicked problems (e.g., climate change) and nested, politically sensitive problems (e.g., health and welfare policy), a rethinking of the role of the state, and other reasons. A typology is offered for differentiating changes and innovation in policy instruments. There have been some very notable and complex policy instruments that have reshaped politics and public policy in a particular policy sector: a notable example of this is emissions trading systems, which create market conditions to reduce emissions of climate change gases and other by-products. Information and financial instruments have become more prominent as tools used to achieve policy aims by the state, but equally significant is the fact that, in some cases, it is the societal actors themselves that are organizing and supporting the management of an instrument voluntarily. However, this obscures the fact that a much more significant evolution of policy instruments has come in the area that is associated with traditional governing, namely regulation. The reality of this “command and control” instrument is that many historical situations have witnessed a more flexible relationship between the regulator and the regulated than the term suggests. Nevertheless, many OECD political systems have seen a move towards “smart” or flexible regulation. In promoting this new understanding of regulation, it is increasingly important to see regulation as being supplemented by, supported by, and sometimes reinforcing new policy instruments. It is the integration of these “newer” policy instruments into the regulatory framework that represents perhaps the most significant change. Nevertheless, there is some reason to question the real impact new policy instruments have in terms of effectiveness and democratic legitimacy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONATHAN WHITE ◽  
LEA YPI

Political justification figures prominently in contemporary political theory, notably in models of deliberative democracy. This article articulates and defends the essential role of partisanship in this process. Four dimensions of justification are examined in detail: the constituency to which political justifications are offered, the circumstances in which they are developed, the ways in which they are made inclusive, and the ways in which they are made persuasive. In each case, the role of partisanship is probed and affirmed. Partisanship, we conclude, is indispensable to the kind of political justification needed to make the exercise of collective authority responsive to normative concerns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
Sirpa Tani ◽  
Markus Hilander ◽  
Julia Leivo

Oppikirjan merkitys suomalaisessa koulussa on perinteisesti ollut – ja yhä edelleen usein on – suuri: se, millaisia sisältöjä ja millaisia painotuksia oppikirjoissa esitetään, vaikuttaa vahvasti opetuksen etenemiseen. Tästä huolimatta oppikirjojen asiasisältöjä on tutkittu verrattain vähän. Ilmastonmuutoksen vakavuus on tunnustettu viime vuosina kansainvälisesti, ja tämä huoli on välittynyt myös koulutuksen ja kasvatuksen kentälle. On pohdittu sitä, mitä ilmastonmuutoksesta tulisi tietää, ja kenen vastuulla ilmastonmuutokseen liittyvien aiheiden opettaminen on. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelemme, miten ilmastonmuutosta käsitellään kahdessa suomalaisessa lukion pakollisen maantieteen kurssin oppikirjassa (GEOS ja Manner). Tulosten mukaan oppikirjat eroavat selvästi siinä, millaista tietoa ilmastonmuutoksesta ne sisältävät, millaisia havainnollistamisen keinoja niissä käytetään ja millaisen painoarvon ne antavat yksilölle ja yhteiskunnalle ilmastonmuutoksen hillinnässä ja sopeutumisessa. Oppikirjojen yksi suurimmista puutteista on se, että ne eivät esittele riittävästi helposti toteutettavia ilmastonmuutoksen hillitsemisen keinoja. Tulevissa lukion opetussuunnitelman perusteissa (2019) ilmastonmuutos mainitaan lähes kuusinkertaisesti aiempaan opetussuunnitelmaan (2015) verrattuna. Tämä voi vaikuttaa lukion maantieteen pakollisen kurssin oppikirjojen sisältöihin lähitulevaisuudessa.   Climate change in upper secondary school curricula and geography textbooks Abstract The role of textbooks has traditionally been – and still very often is – very important in the Finnish education system: the content of textbooks and the emphasis put on them strongly influence the progress of teaching. Nonetheless, relatively little research has been conducted about the content of Finnish textbooks and especially about how climate change is presented in textbooks. In recent years, the seriousness of climate change has been recognized internationally and this concern has also been transmitted to the field of education. Questions such as what is needed to know about climate change and who is responsible for teaching the topics of climate change have already been asked. In this article, we therefore examine how climate change is presented in two Finnish upper secondary school geography textbooks (GEOS and Manner). According to the results, the textbooks clearly differ in the types of information they contain on climate change, the ways that are used to illustrate climate change, and the importance they place on individuals and society in mitigating and adapting to climate change. One of the major shortcomings of the textbooks is that they do not provide enough easy-to-implement ways of mitigating climate change. On the other hand, climate change is mentioned six times more in the forthcoming upper secondary school curriculum (2019) compared to the previous curriculum (2015). This may affect the content of textbooks for the mandatory upper secondary school geography in the near future. Keywords: climate change, upper secondary school geography, curriculum, textbook  


2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110607
Author(s):  
Ben Cross

Alison McQueen’s study of the historical role of apocalyptic ideas in realist political theory cautiously proposes the ‘redirection’ of apocalyptic thought as a plausible alternative to its rejection. Apocalyptic redirection, so understood, uses apocalyptic language to describe potential future catastrophes in order to inspire drastic action to prevent them. Although McQueen acknowledges that apocalyptic redirection may have certain risks, she suggests it may be an appropriate response to the crisis of climate change. In this article, I aim to show that this use of the discourse of apocalyptic redirection is ideologically problematic. I argue that it involves conflating the interests of those who are at least moderately materially comfortable with the interests of humanity as a whole. I will also draw on the 2019 ‘Stop Adani Convoy’ in Australia as a case study to show how the ideological character of this discourse renders it ill-suited to generating popular support for action on climate change, and liable to reproduce existing power relations.


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