scholarly journals Young People’s Engagement With the European Union

2017 ◽  
Vol 225 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dagmar Strohmeier ◽  
Martyn Barrett ◽  
Carmen Bora ◽  
Simona C. S. Caravita ◽  
Elisa Donghi ◽  
...  

Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
William Sulisyo ◽  
Hendhia ◽  
Ivonne ◽  
Ellica ◽  
Andhika Raflie ◽  
...  

European Union is a political and economic union of 27 member states. Britain is one of the leading members of the EU. The UK decided to leave the European Union. The EU struggled with the project that was being worked on called Climate Diplomacy. EU and its member states are part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The EU has built a significant and potentially a leading position in global governance on climate. Brexit is only one factor that could change the dynamics of its role. In this case, The EU has a negative impact as well as positive impacts due to Brexit. It turns out that the negative implications are more dominant than positive effects. European Union will lose the financial contribution made by the UK to the EU budget.   Keywords: European Union, UK, Brexit, Climate Diplomacy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
John Bynner ◽  
Walter R. Heinz

‘Youth and Europe’ extends the notion of identity further, this time in the context of the development of the European Union (EU). The EU mission was to establish, especially among young people, a European identity in all the EU states. The distribution of resources and the rates of youth unemployment in the UK and Germany follows, considered from the perspective of social justice and the consequences of ‘Brexit’. The contribution of EU youth policies to young people’s participation and active citizenship as well as to respecting and integrating cultural diversity is also highlighted. The economic and cultural divisions, leading to sceptical attitudes toward the European Union are also discussed. The Erasmus programme and the wider benefits of the EU youth agenda aimed at reducing unemployment and poverty are presented as highly valued examples of European youth collaboration.


Author(s):  
Peter Reading

This chapter explains how the Equality Act 2010 has a direct relationship with the UK’s international human rights obligations at regional and global levels in the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe, and the United Nations (UN). It is thus vital to the understanding, interpretation, and application of the Act to appreciate how it interacts with: EU equality and human rights law, before and after the UK ceasing its membership of the European Union (Brexit); the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) which implements the ECHR; and the key United Nations Conventions which relate to issues of equality of particular groups. The UK’s membership of the EU ended on 31 January 2020. This will have a fundamental effect on the application of EU equality and human rights law to the Act. It should be noted, however, that the UK’s departure from the EU does not in any way affect its membership of the Council of Europe, or being a party to the ECHR. The ECHR has been implemented into the UK’s domestic law by the enactment of the HRA.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Pavlidis

Purpose This paper aims to critically examine whether it is timely and actionable for the European Union (EU) to adopt a global sanctions regime against corruption and how such a regime can be designed to maximise its efficiency. This paper argues that developing such a dedicated framework is necessary, feasible and supportive of the international fight against corruption and the efforts to enhance the recovery of corruption proceeds. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on reports, legislations, legal scholarships and other open-source data on global sanctions against corruption and the recovery of corruption proceeds. Findings This paper argues in favour of a dedicated global sanctions regime against corruption, which is necessary to mitigate significant risks for the EU internal market. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is one of the first to examine recent legislative developments, such as the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime and the UK Global Anti-Corruption Sanctions Regulations, and the possible development of an EU-dedicated global sanctions regime against corruption with strong asset recovery components.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 19-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miranda A. Schreurs ◽  
Yves Tiberghien

The European Union has played a leading role in pushing for the establishment, ratification, and meaningful implementation of the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, although it still has significant efforts to make to achieve its target of an 8 percent cut of greenhouse gas by 2008–2012 relative to the 1990 level. This article explores the political factors behind continued EU leadership in climate change. It argues that a few individual states (including Sweden, the Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, and the UK) played an essential role in establishing the EU's agenda in this domain. However, the decentralized governance structure of the EU has also encouraged a process of mutual reinforcement, whereby individual states, the European Commission, and the European Parliament are competing for leadership.


2020 ◽  
pp. 92-97
Author(s):  
A. V. Kuznetsov

The article examines the norms of international law and the legislation of the EU countries. The list of main provisions of constitutional and legal restrictions in the European Union countries is presented. The application of the norms is described Human rights conventions. The principle of implementing legal acts in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic is considered. A comparative analysis of legal restrictive measures in the States of the European Union is carried out.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203228442199593
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Schomburg ◽  
Anna Oehmichen ◽  
Katrin Kayß

As human rights have increasingly gained importance at the European Union level, this article examines the remaining scope of human rights protection under the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement. While some international human rights instruments remain applicable, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union did not become part of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA). The consequences, especially the inapplicability of the internationalised ne bis in idem principle, are analysed. Furthermore, the conditionality of the TCA in general as well as the specific conditionality for judicial cooperation in criminal matters are discussed. In this context, the risk that cooperation may cease at any moment if any Member State or the UK leave the European Convention of Human Rights is highlighted. Lastly, the authors raise the problem of the lack of judicial review, as the Court of Justice of the European Union is no longer competent.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jong-Sue Lee

North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Kraler

AbstractAlmost all Member States in the European Union currently make use, or in the past have made use of some form of regularisation of irregular immigrants, although to greatly varying degrees, in different ways and as a rule only reluctantly. A distinct feature of recent regularisations has been the shift towards a humanitarian justification of regularisation measures. In this context, regularisation has become reframed as an issue of the protection of irregular migrants’ human rights. As a result, regularisation has to some extent also been turned from a political tool in managing migration into an issue of international, European and national human rights law. While a human rights framework indeed offers a powerful rationale and at times compelling reasons why states ought to afford a legal status to irregular migrants, I argue that a human rights based approach must always be complemented by pragmatic considerations, as a human rights based justification of regularisation alone will be insufficient to find adequate responses to the changing presence of irregular migrants in the EU, not all of which can invoke human rights based claims to residence.


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