Mixed messages: Examining the relationship between racial socialization messages and black identity in multiracial adolescents

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Whitney Espy ◽  
Robert M. Sellers
Afro-Ásia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vagner Gonçalves da Silva

<p class="abstract">Nas últimas décadas, vários grupos religiosos têm se posicionado sobre a relação entre “identidade negra”, cultura e religião. Neste ensaio, pretendo apresentar algumas tendências do debate contemporâneo entre o campo religioso afro-brasileiro, o movimento negro católico e o evangélico. Sugiro que esse debate se constrói a partir de posições gestadas nas relações de uns com os outros e com as políticas públicas voltadas para a patrimonialização dos símbolos das heranças africanas no Brasil.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>:<strong> </strong>religiões afro-brasileiras - catolicismo - evangélicos - <br /> movimento negro - identidade negra.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In recent decades, various religious groups have positioned themselves with regard to the relationship between “black identity”, culture and religion. In this essay, I present some trends in the contemporary debate between the African-Brazilian religious field, the black Catholic and evangelical movements. I suggest that this debate is constructed from gestated positions in relation to each other as well as the public policies directed towards the patrimonialization of symbols of African heritage in Brazil.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>African-Brazilians religions - Catholicism - evangelicals -<br />black movement - black identity</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-386
Author(s):  
Debbie Abuelghanam ◽  
Naser Tahboub

Much has been written about the relationship between Iran and the Gulf states. This relationship, while extremely complex, historic as well as deep rooted, needs to be revisited, especially in the light of the growing discords. This article investigates the contest over the balance of power in the Middle East which is impacted by state interests, foreign policy, ideology, sectarianism, and geography. There are three questions that need to be asked: (a) What role does Iran play in the Gulf region? (b) What is its relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)? and (c) Is there room for the two regional powers (Iran and Saudi Arabia) in the Gulf region? Iran’s role in the Middle East has expanded exponentially by both diplomatic means as well as by proxy and direct interventions. It has become apparent that while once Saudi Arabia controlled the GCC, due to recent events, the regional group has become trivialized. As Saudi Arabia and Iran vie for power, the Gulf is tension-filled and fraught with the possibility of misperceptions and miscalculations.


Author(s):  
David Brackett

One of the most striking occurrences in the history of Billboard’s popularity charts was the disappearance of the R&B chart from November 1963 to January 1965. This chapter analyzes this event in depth in order to examine the relationship of R&B to the mainstream. R&B continued to have an active existence (illustrated by a discussion of radio formats) despite the disappearance of Billboard’s chart; the temporary cessation of the chart was due to conflictual understandings of genre based in part on different weightings of musical style versus the importance of audience. The “British Invasion” and the emergence of folk-rock during 1964-65 created greater racial division of the mainstream than had existed since the arrival of early rock ‘n’ roll. In the period immediately following, greater emphasis on black identity, musically and politically during the late 1960s led to the re-naming of the R&B category to Soul in 1969.


Author(s):  
Corey D. Fields

This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which black Republicans gain election, notoriety, and resources. The relationship is symmetrically beneficial since black Republicans provide tangible proof of racial diversity within the GOP. To maintain support among white Republicans, African Americans must talk about black identity in a way that is consistent with what white Republicans want to hear. When African-Americans call on white Republicans to speak to black interests specifically and treat conservative social policy as a basis for black advancement, relations with white Republicans are contentious and adversarial. As a consequence, a very specific kind of African American Republican rises to prominence within the GOP.


Author(s):  
Deborah Gray White

This chapter examines the Million Man and Million Woman marches and shows that African Americans marched more for unity than in unity. The rights movements of the 60s and 70s changed black Americans’ sense of themselves as a nation within a nation. Intraracial violence, individualism, and class consciousness had replaced communalism and black unity; and a vertical sisterhood had replaced broad sororal relationships. This chapter looks at the marches for evidence of the changes in the relationship between men and women, leaders and their constituents, heterosexuals and sexual minorities. Postmodernity put pressure on African Americans to redefine black identity, but this chapter argues that as the idea of post-blackness spread at the end of the century, there was no consensus on how to be black.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 332-348
Author(s):  
Sheryl Felecia Means

This article analyzes how Black Consciousness and Citizenship (CCN), a curriculum produced at the Steve Biko Cultural Institute (Biko) in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, is influential to the production of a Black identity. In addition, I assess “the relationship between Black identity and education” at Biko through the lens of Zirkel and Johnson’s strengths-based narratives as a counternarrative to anti-Blackness and Afrophobia in Brazilian society. CCN is elevated in analysis as a culturally representative model of education for Afro-Brazilian youth in Salvador and the city’s periphery. Culturally representative education here refers to a racially, culturally, and socially inclusive educational mode. Zirkel and Johnson’s recommended approaches are parallel to those employed through CCN to produce a positive identification with Black racial identity which counters anti-Black and Afrophobic sentiment.


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