Whither the Republican Party

Author(s):  
Corey D. Fields

This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which black Republicans gain election, notoriety, and resources. The relationship is symmetrically beneficial since black Republicans provide tangible proof of racial diversity within the GOP. To maintain support among white Republicans, African Americans must talk about black identity in a way that is consistent with what white Republicans want to hear. When African-Americans call on white Republicans to speak to black interests specifically and treat conservative social policy as a basis for black advancement, relations with white Republicans are contentious and adversarial. As a consequence, a very specific kind of African American Republican rises to prominence within the GOP.

Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur

Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement—even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism—not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests. As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position—they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the Grand Old Party (GOP). In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way. This book provides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.


Author(s):  
Corey D. Fields

What do people think of when they hear about an African American Republican? Are they heroes fighting against the expectation that all blacks must vote democratic? Are they Uncle Toms or sellouts, serving as traitors to their race? What is it really like to be a black person in the Republican Party? This book considers how race structures the political behavior of African American Republicans and discusses the dynamic relationship between race and political behavior in the purported “post-racial” context of US politics. Drawing on vivid first-person accounts, the book sheds light on the different ways black identity structures African Americans' membership in the Republican Party. Moving past rhetoric and politics, the everyday people working to reconcile their commitment to black identity with their belief in Republican principles can be seen. And at the end, the importance of understanding both the meanings African Americans attach to racial identity and the political contexts in which those meanings are developed and expressed is illuminated.


Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur

This chapter studies how, as the 1970s progressed, black Republicans were able to claim clear victories in their march toward equality: the expansion of the National Black Republican Council (NBRC); the incorporation of African Americans into the Republican National Committee (RNC) hierarchy; scores of black Republicans integrating state and local party hierarchies; and individual examples of black Republican success. African American party leaders could even point to their ability to forge a consensus voice among the disparate political ideas of black Republicans. Despite their ideological differences, they collectively rejected white hierarchies of power, demanding change for blacks both within the Grand Old Party (GOP) and throughout the country. Nevertheless, black Republicans quickly realized that their strategy did not reform the party institution.


Blood ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (8) ◽  
pp. 2959-2962 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Schneider ◽  
Linda Forman ◽  
Beryl Westwood ◽  
Catherine Yim ◽  
James Lin ◽  
...  

Abstract In 424 African-American and 75 white subjects, we found that the −5 (TPI 592 A→G), −8 (TPI 589 G→A), and −24 (TPI 573 T→G) variants in the triosephosphate isomerase (TPI) gene occurred frequently (41.0%) in the African-American subjects but did not occur in the whites. These data suggest that this set of polymorphisms may turn out to be one of the higher-incidence molecular markers of African lineage, a surprising finding because others had reported that these nucleotide substitutions were restricted to a small subset of African Americans who had been characterized as TPI-deficiency heterozygotes. Additionally, we investigated the relationship of these variants to TPI-enzyme activity. Although the variant substitutions (occurring in three haplotypes: −5 alone, −5 −8, and −5 −8 −24) were associated with moderate reduction in enzyme activity, severe-deficiency heterozygotes could not be identified with certainty, and none of the haplotypes were restricted to subjects with marked reduction of enzyme activity. Three subjects were homozygous for the −5 −8 haplotype, a finding inconsistent with the putative role of this haplotype as the cause of a null variant incompatible with life in homozygotes. Despite these findings, the possibility remains that the −5 −8 or −5 −8 −24 haplotypes may in some instances contribute to compound heterozygosity and clinical TPI deficiency. © 1998 by The American Society of Hematology.


1995 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 455-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kak Yoon

This research investigated the relationship between advertising and materialism across African-American and Caucasian groups (87 students and 79 community adults) as well as general attitude toward advertising and beliefs about advertising. The association between attitude toward advertising and materialism was positive. The African-American respondents held more materialistic values than their Caucasian peers; they exhibited a more favorable general attitude toward advertising and held more favorable beliefs about advertising. These findings are consistent with the criticism that advertising is at least connected with materialistic values in our society.


Author(s):  
Corey D. Fields

This chapter focuses on African American Republicans who can be labeled as “color-blind” because their strategy for linking black identity to Republican politics involves de-emphasizing the role of race in black people's lives. These African American Republicans see themselves as linked to a broader black community, but they reject identity politics as the pathway to racial uplift. They endorse Republican social policy as part of a commitment to an abstract notion of conservative politics, not because the policies are good for black people. Indeed, for race-blind African American Republicans, the best thing for blacks is to abandon race-based identity politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
DeReef F. Jamison

Asa G. Hilliard’s involvement in the education and re-Africanization process of African Americans serves as a prime example of an African-centered praxis that can be used to maximize the educational potential and possibilities of African people. As historian, psychologist, and teacher, Hilliard viewed education as one of the cornerstones in the African American quest for freedom and was committed to employing education as a tool to self-discovery and liberation. Hilliard’s work is explored through examining his perspectives on the relationship between history and psychology, the education of Black folk, the efforts to initiate paradigmatic shifts in intelligence testing, and the culture wars. This analysis of Hilliard highlights his theoretical and conceptual contributions to the formation of an African-centered pedagogy that functions as means for African descended people to affirm and assert their agency.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen L. Contreras-Sesvold ◽  
Preetha Abraham ◽  
Joseph M. Devaney ◽  
Brennan T. Harmon ◽  
Patricia A. Deuster

Genetic variants of the human serotonin transporter (SERT) may contribute to HPA axis dysregulation. SERT has two promoter region polymorphisms (5-HTTLPR: VNTR and SNP: rs25531), which may alter levels of SERT protein and its function. Combining these polymorphisms creates a functional polymorphism (FN) which may modulate mRNA expression. This study examines the relationship between these genetic variants and morning and evening salivary samples of both cortisol and dehydroepiandrosterone sulfate (DHEAS) concentrations in 269 African American (AA) adults. Resultant allele frequencies for the VNTR, SNP, and FN genotypes were 70% L (2% XLL), 84% A, and 54% LA (2% XLLA), respectively. The XLL genotype was associated with significantly higher concentrations of cortisol (~3X) and DHEAS (~2X) for both VNTR and FN polymorphisms. No significant differences were found for SNP genotypes. Conclusions were that persons with VNTR and FN XLL polymorphisms had significantly higher cortisol and DHEAS concentrations than other genotypes. AAs also appear to have a higher frequency of the rare XL allele than Caucasians. Whether the XLL genotype predisposes AAs to greater health challenges will require further research to determine the implications of these findings.


Author(s):  
Christopher Muller ◽  
Daniel Schrage

This article examines the relationship between two facets of mass imprisonment—its novel comparative and historical scale and its pervasiveness in the lives of African Americans—and surveys respondents’ beliefs about the harshness of the courts, and bias in the courts or among police. Analyses of national survey data show that as states’ incarceration rates increased, so too did the probability that residents believed that courts were too harsh. However, while white Americans’ opinions about the courts were sensitive to changes in the white incarceration rate, African Americans’ opinions were not sensitive to changes in the African American incarceration rate. African American respondents who had been to prison or who had a close friend or family member who had been to prison were more likely to attribute racial disparities in incarceration to police bias and bias in the courts. The article concludes with a discussion of the possible consequences of declining trust in the law for the future of American punishment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-572
Author(s):  
Themis Chronopoulos

Abstract This article explores the relationship between gentrification and racial segregation in Brooklyn, New York with an emphasis on Black Brooklyn. With more than 2.6 million residents, if Brooklyn was a city, it would be the fourth largest in the USA. Brooklyn is the home of approximately 788,000 Blacks with almost 692,000 of them living in an area that historian Harold X. Connolly has called Black Brooklyn. In recent decades, large portions of Brooklyn, including parts of Black Brooklyn have been gentrifying with sizable numbers of whites moving to traditionally Black neighborhoods. One would anticipate racial segregation to be declining in Brooklyn and especially in the areas that are gentrifying. However, this expectation of racial desegregation appears to be false. While there are declines in indices of racial segregation, these declines are frequently marginal, especially when the increase in the number of whites in Black neighborhoods is taken into consideration. At the same time, gentrification has contributed to the displacement or replacement of thousands of long-term African American residents from their homes. This persistence of racial segregation in a time of gentrification raises many questions about the two processes and the effects that they have on African Americans.


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