scholarly journals “Ethnic paradox of modernity” and the liberal civil nation in the horizon of globalization: “challenge” and “response”

2021 ◽  
Vol 128 ◽  
pp. 01036
Author(s):  
Konstantin Maltsev ◽  
Artem Alaverdyan ◽  
Anni Maltseva

The “ethnic paradox of modernity”, the explosive growth of fundamentalist nationalist ideologies and extremist nationalist political movements are increasingly regarded as a challenge to the modern global political order - the need for an adequate “response” to this “challenge” is recognized. The dominant economic paradigm in liberal social science (J. Agamben), which presents the reality of the global order, sets a perspective: the answer must demonstrate loyalty to the foundations of “liberal metaphysics”, and at the same time confirm their validity in the changed constellation of socio-historical circumstances. On the basis of a free public discussion (rational communicative action) and through the available institutions, on the basis of a liberal “value consensus” that is not subject to revision, a constant search for balances (K. Schmitt) regarding the interests through legal political compromises (F.R. Ankersmit) designed to remove the antagonisms of “national conflicts” shall be conducted. Revealing the conditions for the possibility and boundaries of the liberal strategy of removing antagonisms presupposes the interpretation of the concept of a civil nation, the political project of which is seen as a response to the challenge of “nationalist fundamentalism”.

2015 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Govert Buijs ◽  
Simon Polinder

This introduction proposes that the re-emergence and rediscovery of religion should be seen against the background of globalization on the one hand and localization on the other. These processes require an open dialogue on the architecture and guiding morality of the global order, in which religion is not only a factor to be taken seriously, but also a participant itself. A Christian contribution to this dialogue can draw on an age-old tradition of Jewish and Christian engagement with the political order, manifesting itself in three genres: judgment, expectation, and exhortation. The introduction also explains the aim of the Kuyper seminars and provides a short overview of the articles in this issue.


Author(s):  
K.G. Maltsev ◽  
◽  
A.V. Maltseva ◽  

The change in the nature of war has been noted by most researchers over the past seventy years. In the last decade, an attempt has been made to integrate all significant and operating factors — in the concept of a «new war», the analysis and interpretation of which is an urgent research task. The authors of the article analyze the discourse of the «new war» in the horizon of presenting the modern political order in the liberal version of the economic paradigm of the political (J. Agamben’s term) in order to identify substantially new meanings that distinguish it from the concept of «classical war». «Horizon», «border», «meaning» and «representation» as elements of the paradigm can be the subject of exclusively philosophical interpretation. As a result of the conducted research, it has been established: «biopolitical production of life» is the way in which modernity becomes reality. Biopolitics is management, that is, the accomplished removal of the political is depoliticization. The asymmetric war is a biopolitical phenomenon in terms of the composition of actors, mode of conduct, goals; it is presented as «just», «permanent» and «legitimizing» the universal and global political order. The exclusion of a sovereign decision and an «empty space» as the center of the modern political order, the impossibility of drawing the border and the expansion of the «area of anomie» to the entire political space, the nondiscrimination of «external» and «internal», which is fundamental for understanding the specifics of the discourse of the «new war» means total depoliticization. The biopolitical power is opposed by «naked life» — war is presented as a police operation, the purpose of which is considered to pacify and normalize violence and suppress internal enemies. Philosophical interpretation as a method of research leads to a new (and partly inaccessible for disciplinary scientific research) conclusion: the «new war» appears to be a management tool aimed at «normalizing violence» — it is not a modernization of the classical war and is not in any continuity with it , but there is a new biopolitical phenomenon that essentially belongs to modernity. This conclusion, which distinguishes between «classical war» and «new war», allows us to exclude from the calculations the endless contradictions associated with attempts to view the «new war» in the political perspective, and not as governance. Thus, the possibility of disciplinary scientific research of a new war is revealed in the perspective of its representation as a phenomenon of modernity.


Social Forces ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 530
Author(s):  
George W. Ross ◽  
Russell J. Dalton ◽  
Manfred Kuechler

Author(s):  
K.G. Maltsev ◽  
◽  
A.L. Alaverdyan ◽  

Nationalism determines modernity — L. Grinfeld’s thesis at the very beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century (repeating the judgment of E. Keduri in the early 60s), unexpectedly for liberal social science, immediately acquired political relevance. The purpose of the article is to identify the reasons for this «surprise»: the representation of the nation in the economic paradigm of the political (D. Agamben’s term) as a civic association of freely self-determining autonomous individuals-citizens excludes the possibility of national conflicts, the reality of which is obvious. Objective scientific research within the disciplinary structure of modern science has as a given object of research in the representation: thus, a philosophical interpretation becomes necessary as a method of criticizing the representation of the nation and the national in the economic paradigm. It has been established that the representation of a nation is normatively and value-wise conditioned by the foundations of «liberal metaphysics»; it is necessary to distinguish between «civil» and «ethnic» nationalisms, which does not have «empirical foundations» (R. Brubaker); attribution to value as a way of constructing an ideal-typical concept of nationalism presupposes the need for an assessment conditioned by the way nationalism is presented; the moral and political disqualification of «ethnic nationalism» as an invalid «remnant» (V. Pareto) is thus «built in» into scientific research, which is at the same time an ideological instrument and a political program. The philosophical interpretation of the meaning of the representation of nationalism in liberal social science, external in relation to the dominant paradigm of the political, provides scientific novelty and leads to the conclusion: a «civil nation» is valid as a political project that presupposes a «historiographic recalculation of the past» (M. Heidegger), retrospectively placing the beginning of nationalism in past. In the course of the presentation, the practical significance of the conclusion is clarified: the theory of the «civilized nation» presupposes drawing a border between «civilized» and — «cultural» and «natural» nationalisms as political enemies that must be removed: drawing the line between «civil» and «ethnic» nationalisms has both scientific and political significance; These circumstances contribute to the understanding of the meaning and the assigned goal of the nation-building process and the practice of national politics.


1992 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 541
Author(s):  
Mark A. Shibley ◽  
Roland Robertson ◽  
William R. Garrett

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