scholarly journals REPRESENTATION OF NATIONALISM: STRUCTURE, CONTENT, CRITICISM

Author(s):  
K.G. Maltsev ◽  
◽  
A.L. Alaverdyan ◽  

Nationalism determines modernity — L. Grinfeld’s thesis at the very beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century (repeating the judgment of E. Keduri in the early 60s), unexpectedly for liberal social science, immediately acquired political relevance. The purpose of the article is to identify the reasons for this «surprise»: the representation of the nation in the economic paradigm of the political (D. Agamben’s term) as a civic association of freely self-determining autonomous individuals-citizens excludes the possibility of national conflicts, the reality of which is obvious. Objective scientific research within the disciplinary structure of modern science has as a given object of research in the representation: thus, a philosophical interpretation becomes necessary as a method of criticizing the representation of the nation and the national in the economic paradigm. It has been established that the representation of a nation is normatively and value-wise conditioned by the foundations of «liberal metaphysics»; it is necessary to distinguish between «civil» and «ethnic» nationalisms, which does not have «empirical foundations» (R. Brubaker); attribution to value as a way of constructing an ideal-typical concept of nationalism presupposes the need for an assessment conditioned by the way nationalism is presented; the moral and political disqualification of «ethnic nationalism» as an invalid «remnant» (V. Pareto) is thus «built in» into scientific research, which is at the same time an ideological instrument and a political program. The philosophical interpretation of the meaning of the representation of nationalism in liberal social science, external in relation to the dominant paradigm of the political, provides scientific novelty and leads to the conclusion: a «civil nation» is valid as a political project that presupposes a «historiographic recalculation of the past» (M. Heidegger), retrospectively placing the beginning of nationalism in past. In the course of the presentation, the practical significance of the conclusion is clarified: the theory of the «civilized nation» presupposes drawing a border between «civilized» and — «cultural» and «natural» nationalisms as political enemies that must be removed: drawing the line between «civil» and «ethnic» nationalisms has both scientific and political significance; These circumstances contribute to the understanding of the meaning and the assigned goal of the nation-building process and the practice of national politics.

Author(s):  
K.G. Maltsev ◽  
◽  
A.V. Maltseva ◽  

The change in the nature of war has been noted by most researchers over the past seventy years. In the last decade, an attempt has been made to integrate all significant and operating factors — in the concept of a «new war», the analysis and interpretation of which is an urgent research task. The authors of the article analyze the discourse of the «new war» in the horizon of presenting the modern political order in the liberal version of the economic paradigm of the political (J. Agamben’s term) in order to identify substantially new meanings that distinguish it from the concept of «classical war». «Horizon», «border», «meaning» and «representation» as elements of the paradigm can be the subject of exclusively philosophical interpretation. As a result of the conducted research, it has been established: «biopolitical production of life» is the way in which modernity becomes reality. Biopolitics is management, that is, the accomplished removal of the political is depoliticization. The asymmetric war is a biopolitical phenomenon in terms of the composition of actors, mode of conduct, goals; it is presented as «just», «permanent» and «legitimizing» the universal and global political order. The exclusion of a sovereign decision and an «empty space» as the center of the modern political order, the impossibility of drawing the border and the expansion of the «area of anomie» to the entire political space, the nondiscrimination of «external» and «internal», which is fundamental for understanding the specifics of the discourse of the «new war» means total depoliticization. The biopolitical power is opposed by «naked life» — war is presented as a police operation, the purpose of which is considered to pacify and normalize violence and suppress internal enemies. Philosophical interpretation as a method of research leads to a new (and partly inaccessible for disciplinary scientific research) conclusion: the «new war» appears to be a management tool aimed at «normalizing violence» — it is not a modernization of the classical war and is not in any continuity with it , but there is a new biopolitical phenomenon that essentially belongs to modernity. This conclusion, which distinguishes between «classical war» and «new war», allows us to exclude from the calculations the endless contradictions associated with attempts to view the «new war» in the political perspective, and not as governance. Thus, the possibility of disciplinary scientific research of a new war is revealed in the perspective of its representation as a phenomenon of modernity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 128 ◽  
pp. 01036
Author(s):  
Konstantin Maltsev ◽  
Artem Alaverdyan ◽  
Anni Maltseva

The “ethnic paradox of modernity”, the explosive growth of fundamentalist nationalist ideologies and extremist nationalist political movements are increasingly regarded as a challenge to the modern global political order - the need for an adequate “response” to this “challenge” is recognized. The dominant economic paradigm in liberal social science (J. Agamben), which presents the reality of the global order, sets a perspective: the answer must demonstrate loyalty to the foundations of “liberal metaphysics”, and at the same time confirm their validity in the changed constellation of socio-historical circumstances. On the basis of a free public discussion (rational communicative action) and through the available institutions, on the basis of a liberal “value consensus” that is not subject to revision, a constant search for balances (K. Schmitt) regarding the interests through legal political compromises (F.R. Ankersmit) designed to remove the antagonisms of “national conflicts” shall be conducted. Revealing the conditions for the possibility and boundaries of the liberal strategy of removing antagonisms presupposes the interpretation of the concept of a civil nation, the political project of which is seen as a response to the challenge of “nationalist fundamentalism”.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 100-112
Author(s):  
Maltsev Konstantin Gennadievich ◽  
◽  
Maltseva Anna Victorovna ◽  
Lomako Leonid Leonidovich

The discourse of Islam in modern Western political philosophy is constructed in the horizon of "evidence" and solutions, the clarification of the origin and essence of which is the task of philosophical interpretation. The article analyzes three representative examples: the in-terpretation of the "ideology of Islam" in relation to the global liberal economic order (D. Lal); “Islamic terrorism” as a kind of ressentiment (S. Zizek); “Islamic fundamentalism” in the hori-zon of the “global empire” (M. Hardt, A. Negri). It is established that the conceptual framework of all three discourses of Islam is the dominant Western "economic paradigm" (J. Agamben) of political philosophy. The liberal new European form of the latter makes a fundamental distinc-tion between the public and the private, making room for free civic identities based on the arbi-trary individual choice of an autonomous subject and homogenizing social reality into ideal ab-solute anarchy. This is possible only on the basis of the tradition of secularization, which is im-manent in the West and alien to Islam. With regard to any “other”, strategies of assimilation or destruction are applied. The conclusion is made about the unsuitability of liberal “instruments” for the establishment and maintenance of peace through the policy of separation and multicul-turalism; theoretically possible alternatives to the “notion of the political” are indicated


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Valentyn Ivanenko ◽  
Hennadii Kryvchyk ◽  
Iryna Nakashydze

The purpose of the article is to actualize and clarify the main principles and methods of scientific research in their relationship and interdependence (on example of historical sciences). Research methods: analytical, historical, comparative and system-structural. Main results. The article illustrates the relationship of principles with general scientific and specific historical methods. Clarifications are made and examples of their use are given. Concise conclusions. Modern literature on methodology of science is presented mostly by the publications of methodical character. Such character of publications did not require consideration of problem aspects of methodology from their authors, in particular question about interdependence of principles and methods of scientific research. In most works such important concept as “research principles” is not examined practically, with what we cannot agree categorically. In our opinion, methods as research instruments and principles as rules of using these instruments exist between subject and object of research. If methods are the researcher’s tools, then the principles of the research are a kind of the ethical and professional code of a scientist. It consists of a number of professional principles which are based on: a) fundamental human ethical norms; b) scientific ethics; c) the special features of a particular science. In its turn, the general scientific principles are applied in various scientific fields, especially in the historical sciences. Among them are the principles of truth supremacy, deideologization, independence, dialectics, specificity, consistency, objectivity, immersion in the historical era (historicism), etс. It is also necessary to note a special role of dialectics in the scientific study, which serves as main principle and at the same time as the general scientific method. As a principle, dialectics is the essence of the world view of a scientist. As a method, dialectics helps the researcher to reveal the essence of phenomena and processes in all contradictions and interrelations of their components. Modern science possesses the wide arsenal of general and special methods. Their choice depends on scientific industry, object, aim and research tasks. A scientist must choose in this arsenal of facilities most effective and rational. If present methods are not enough, he should create the methods and use them accordance with all known methodological principles. The comparative method plays an important role in historical cognition. Firstly, comparison gives the opportunity to realize better the essence of phenomena. Secondly, when comparing a researcher goes beyond a narrow topic, uses additional empirical material and eventually expands his scientific outlook and creative range. The latter is one of the main indicators of the scholar’s scientific qualification. Practical significance. It’s recommended for use by scholars (especially young people) for historical research. Originality. The need to adhere to the main methodological principles in historical studies is substantiated. Scientific novelty. An attempt is made to “rehabilitate” and actualize the concept of “methodological principle”, which includes the ethical standards of a scientist based on universal values formulated in the Bible. Article type: descriptive.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Sari Hanafi

This study investigates the preachers and their Friday sermons in Lebanon, raising the following questions: What are the profiles of preachers in Lebanon and their academic qualifications? What are the topics evoked in their sermons? In instances where they diagnosis and analyze the political and the social, what kind of arguments are used to persuade their audiences? What kind of contact do they have with the social sciences? It draws on forty-two semi-structured interviews with preachers and content analysis of 210 preachers’ Friday sermons, all conducted between 2012 and 2015 among Sunni and Shia mosques. Drawing from Max Weber’s typology, the analysis of Friday sermons shows that most of the preachers represent both the saint and the traditional, but rarely the scholar. While they are dealing extensively with political and social phenomena, rarely do they have knowledge of social science


Author(s):  
Thomas A. Borchert

Educating Monks examines the education and training of novices and young Buddhist monks of a Tai minority group on China’s Southwest border. The Buddhists of this region, the Dai-lue, are Chinese citizens but practice Theravada Buddhism and have long-standing ties to the Theravāda communities of Southeast Asia. The book shows how Dai-lue Buddhists train their young men in village temples, monastic junior high schools and in transnational monastic educational institutions, as well as the political context of redeveloping Buddhism during the Reform era in China. While the book focuses on the educational settings in which these young boys are trained, it also argues that in order to understand how a monk is made, it is necessary to examine local agenda, national politics and transnational Buddhist networks.


Our quest for prosperity has produced great output but not always great outcomes. The list of concerns is growing and familiar. Fundamentally, when it comes to well-being, fairness, and the scope of our humanity, the modern economic system still leaves much to be desired. In turn, trust in business and the liberal market system (aka “capitalism”) has been declining and regulation has been rising. A variety of forces—civic, economic, and intellectual—have been probing for better alternatives. The contributions in this volume, coauthored by eminent philosophers, social scientists, and a handful of thoughtful business leaders, are submitted in this spirit. The thrust of the work is conveyed in the volume’s titular question: Capitalism Beyond Mutuality? Mutuality, or the exchange of benefits, has been established as the prime principle of interaction in addressing the chronic dilemma of human interdependence. Mutuality is a fundament in the social contract approach and it serves us well. Yet, to address the concerns outlined here, we must help evolve an economic paradigm where mutuality is more systematically complemented by reasoned and elective morality. Otherwise the state will remain the sole (if inadequate) protector and buffer between market and society. Hence, rather than just regulate power we must also educate power. Philosophy has a natural role, especially when education is the preferred vehicle of transformation. Accordingly, the essays in this volume integrate philosophy and social science to outline and explore concrete approaches to these important concerns emanating from business practice and theory.


1983 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 13-13
Author(s):  
Avery Leiserson

This essay addresses the problem of teachers and students who have reached the point of trying to find a common ground for perceiving (seeing) politics. This may occur almost any time during any social science course, but it cannot be assumed to happen automatically the first day of class in government, citizenship, or public affairs. Hopefully, the signal is some variant of the question: “What do we mean by politics, or the political aspect of human affairs?” A parade of definitions — taking controversial positions on public policy issues; running for elective office; who gets what, when and how; and manipulating people—is not a mutually-satisfying answer if it produces the Queen of Hearts’ attitude in students that the word politics means what they choose it to mean and nothing more.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Godfrey Maringira

This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.


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