Liberalism, Anti-Semitism and the Jewish Question, 1861–95

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.


Slavic Review ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann E. Healy

For over a hundred years the fate of Russian Jews has been of special concern to many Americans. During the first half of this period, tsarist policies toward the Jews were the major irritant in the otherwise comparatively harmonious relations between the United States and Russia. The result was a recurring diplomatic dispute over the Jewish question, the course of which provides a barometer for gauging the changing situation of the Jews in the Russian empire. The dispute centered largely on individual acts of discrimination by Russian officials against Americans. Many of them involved naturalized citizens of Russian origin, most of whom were Jews. Behind the State Department protests on their behalf lay the more complex issue of mounting American indignation at the increasingly difficult situation of Jews in Russia after 1880.American reactions varied from holding public meetings on the issue to exerting pressure on United States government agencies. Former president Ulysses Grant was one of the main initiators of a rally in New York in 1882 protesting anti-Jewish atrocities in Russia. The pogroms received considerable coverage in the Western press: the April 1882 Century, for instance, carried a vivid account of riots that raged for more than twenty-four hours in Elizavetgrad during Easter Week of 1881 and spoke of “world wide sympathy, and a protest almost unprecedented in its swiftness.”


2019 ◽  
pp. 60-66
Author(s):  
Victor Dotsenko

The author attempts to analyze the views of Panteleimon Kulish on the history, culture and everyday life of Jews who lived along with Ukrainians in the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire, to determine what factors and stereotypes formed the outlook of the great writer and his attitude to the Russian imperial project of resolving the "Jewish question". With the growing of Russian imperial messianism and chauvinism, Ukrainian intellectuals appeared in a difficult situation. The tsar held assimilation policies towards both Jews and Ukrainians. At the same time, Jews additionallly suffered from manifestations of state anti-Semitism. Engagement of Ukrainian Christians in anti-Semitic actions has intensified the position of Russifikators of Ukrainian lands. The Ukrainian elite aimed to stop these manifestations of anti-Semitism by its actions. Obviously, the Ukrainian protest did not condemn anti-Semitism without reservations, because its authors suggested that Jews should partly share responsibility for anti-Semitism. The idea of protesting Ukrainian intellectuals coincided with ideas of Russian liberals who offered to consider Russian Jews as carriers of "civil autonomy and moral independence," and urged them to abandon their national-religious prejudices. While supporting the civil rights of Jews, Kulish at the same time realized that the Ukrainians themselves belonged to the oppressed nations in the Russian Empire, where, in general, social and national rights and freedoms were much less than in the constitutional states of Western Europe. Therefore, he found it impractical to move from there to Russian blindly a practice of artificial support for only Jewish nationality, because in imperial terms this meant only a change in the configuration of national unequal, and not the elimination of it at all. P. Kulish's views on the "Jewish question" of the mid-nineteenth century corresponded to the conceptions of Russian liberal intellectuals regarding the modernization of Russian society. He supports the proclaimed liberal ideas of the need to integrate Jews into imperial life. Jews must be the most interested in destroying of the traditional world of the Jewish town. Giving the Jews of secular education, adopting by them the modern values could lead to the elimination of intolerance and manifestations of anti-Semitism in the society. The Jews himself, according to P. Kulish had to go towards society and change their social mood.


2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Alain Gresh

This essay addresses the Palestine question within a European context. After reflecting on why Palestine has been widely embraced as a "universal cause," the author explores its relationship to the "Jewish question" in the changed context following World War II: Whereas prior to the war it was the Jews who were perceived as a threat to European civilization, today it is the Muslim immigrants who have the scapegoat role. Also discussed are philosemitism (and its manifestations in the West) and anti-Semitism (as it relates to the Arab world), and how these phenomena have been impacted by the ongoing Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The essay concludes with "utopian musings" on possibilities for a future Palestinian-Israeli peace.


1983 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Carl Bay

Georg Brandes (1842­­­­­­–1927) was a famous European literary and cultural critic who is one of the most controversial personalities to be found in Danish intellectual life. His position as the leading figure in the so-called modern breakthrough is, of course, beyond dispute. The controversy has been and still is centered around the significance of his efforts. In this connection reference has often been made to his Jewish heritage as something “non-Danish” or “foreign”. To be sure, anti-Semitism at its worst never really acquired a foothold in Denmark, but it did, however, come to play a decisive role in the disqualification of Brandes and in the discrediation of the name he left to posterity. No matter how things were worded, they always had to do with Brandes’ Jewish ancestry. Quite understandably, serious scholarly research, has until recently on the whole avoided this controversial aspect of such an already extremely controversial person. There are obviously things having to do with Brandes’ life and works which cannot be explained unless we take into account his Jewish ancestry, a subject which, quite against his will, became one of the central themes in his life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-201
Author(s):  
Warren S. Goldstein

Abstract This article explores how the Jewish Question went from being a question of whether to give Jews, as a religious minority, citizenship, to a racial theory of a conflict between the Aryan and Semitic races. It explores the origins of Christian anti-Judaism in Europe and describes how it flared up during the Crusades, Inquisition, and Pogroms. It then describes how and explains why the Jewish Question became pseudo-secularized into a pseudo-scientific racial anti-Semitism, which culminated in the Final Solution.


The paper gives a comparative analysis of Philip K. Dick’s novel The Man in the High Castle (1962) and Philip Roth’s novel The Plot Against America (2004) focusing on the role of the US national cultural mythology, primarily the American Dream, in the time of trials. Both works belong to the genre of alternative history with elements of dystopia and autobiography. The genre, plot and narrative peculiarities of these novels and the TV series The Man in the High Castle (2015–2019) are compared, namely: the alternative historical background of events, the subjective and objective factors of possibility of the World War II alternative retrospective suggested by the authors, the plot and narration in the novels. The alternative background (the success of a totalitarian Nazi project in the USA) is detailed in both novels, but Dick’s reality (the US occupation by the Axis countries and loss of national dignity) is more tragic than Roth’s reality, which shows a temporary deviation from the right course of his country that does not lead to the loss of independence. The structure of these works differs: multicultural polyphony with three worlds, six storylines and seven focalizers in Dick’s novel and linearity with a single focalizer and a focus on “The Jewish question” in Roth’s book, but both authors succeed in showing a convincing picture of a possible decline of humanistic and democratic projects. On the basis of such analysis, the problems of novels, in particular, the pitfalls of the American Dream are considered: mass consciousness, lack of critical thinking, consumerism, populism, pursuit of success, anti-Semitism, racism, xenophobia, over-enthusiasm for the “melting pot” concept, etc. The main method of restoring the American Dream for both authors is the proof by contradiction: by displaying global history through the local, they are gradually debunking totalitarian projects, which at first may seem very attractive, because they are based on the best myths and expectations of the mass society.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document