Reawakening Enlightenment? Contesting Religion and Politics in European Public Discourse

Author(s):  
Anders Berg-Sørensen
2013 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 468-490
Author(s):  
Anthony Milton

‘Church and state’ is a phrase that one rarely meets with in most early modern ecclesiastical history that has been written over the past fifty years. One major exception has been the United States of America, where the phrase even has its own journal. With regard to early modern English history, one rare exception very much proves the rule: Leo Solt’sChurch and State in Early Modern England(a synthetic work published in 1990) is the work of an American historian, who admits in his preface that he has chosen to interpret the relationship ‘very broadly’, and that the book ‘might be more accurately entitled “Religion and Politics in Early Modern England”’. The axiomatic status of the separation of church and state in the United States, and its continuing use as a political football, has given the phrase a prominence in public discourse that has naturally been reflected in American historiography, where figures such as Roger Williams invite the application of later terminology to the seventeenth century. Where ‘church and state’ have not been separated (or at least had not been in the early modern period), the term seems to have been less appealing to historians, at least to those working on the period before the assault on established churches in the nineteenth century.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Marushiakova ◽  
Veselin Popov

Central Asian Gypsies: identities and migrationsDuring recent years the topic of Gypsy/Roma migration and identities became burning topic of pan-EUropean public discourse. Much less attention is paid to the Gypsy migrations outside the borders of European Union. The present article has ambitious goal to fulfill this gap and to present contemporary Gypsy migrations in Post-soviet Central Asian in order to see how this “burning” topic looks outside European space. After breakdown of Soviet Union and establishing of new independent republics in Central Asia and in connection to economical difficulties, wars and social unrest, in order to make their living, the communities of Central Asian ‘Gypsies’ revitalised their former nomadic traditions and migrate towards Russian Federation and in frames of Central Asia towards Kazakhstan. There they are earning their living through begging and sporadic work in construction and scrap collection.A central point of this article is the impact of these contemporary migrations on the development of identities and well being of Central Asian ‘Gypsies’. The multilevel, hierarchically structured identities of Central-Asian ‘Gypsies' are analysed as demonstrated in different historical contexts – as former “Soviet people”, member of former ruling class of agricultural proletariat, and as declassed community today; as Central-Asian ‘Gypsies’ or as citizens of respective Central Asian Republics during migrations in Russian Federation in front of Russian majority society and in front of Roma; and in context of the Central Asian region during the migrations to Kazakhstan and in their home countries.   Cyganie środkowoazjatyccy – tożsamości i migracje W ostatnich latach tematyka migracji i tożsamości Cyganów (Romów) stała się tematem palącym w unijnoeuropejskim dyskursie publicznym. O wiele mniej uwagi poświęca się w nim migracjom Cyganów, które mają miejsce poza granicami Unii Europejskiej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wypełnienie tej luki i ukazanie współczesnych migracji Cyganów w posowieckiej Azji Środkowej, po to by móc spojrzeć, jak ów „palący” problem przedstawia się poza obszarem europejskim. Po rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego i ustanowieniu w Azji Środkowej nowych niepodległych republik, a także wobec trudności gospodarczych, wojen i niepokojów społecznych, w dążeniu do uzyskania środków do życia, wspólnoty „Cyganów” środkowoazjatyckich powróciły do swych dawnych tradycji nomadycznych i migrują na teren Federacji Rosyjskiej jak też w obrębie Azji Środowej do Kazachstanu. Zarabiają tu na życie żebraniem, okazjonalnie podejmują pracę na budowach, zajmują się też zbieraniem surowców wtórnych.Zasadniczą kwestią rozpatrywaną w niniejszym artykule jest ukazanie, jak te współczesne migracje wpływają na budowanie tożsamości i dobrobytu środkowoazjatyckich „Cyganów”. Przedstawiona została analiza wielopoziomowych hierarchicznie ustrukturyzowanych tożsamości „Cyganów” środkowoazjatyckich, przejawiających się w różnych kontekstach historycznych: jako „ludzi sowieckich”, członków dawnej klasy przewodniej – wiejskiego proletariatu, i jako zdeklasowanej dziś wspólnoty; jako „Cyganie” środkowoazjatyccy lub jako obywatele odnośnych republik środkowoazjatyckich podczas migracji na terenie Federacji Rosyjskiej vis a vis dominującej wspólnoty społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, jak też vis a vis Romów; a także w kontekście regionu środkowoazjatyckiego podczas migracji do Kazachstanu oraz w ich krajach ojczystych.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Zemmin

As the continuing relevance of religion to secular European societies garners increasing recognition, the question remains of which religious positions may assume a public role, with Islam at the center of many debates. This article complements the ongoing theoretical debate with a detailed case study analyzing the major works of Islamic scholar and public intellectual Tariq Ramadan. I show that in the last two decades Ramadan significantly modified his views on Islam and European societies. I argue that these adjustments were interdependent, and as such paradigmatically illustrate that the integration of Islamic positions into public discourse depends on shifts in the understanding of both concepts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-388
Author(s):  
Klas Grinell

One of the most frequently described cultural borders in European public discourse is that between Europe and Islam. Further to which, there are many concerns as to whether Islam can be integrated into Europe. This article argues that it is impossible to understand the real and imagined problems addressed in the ‘integration of Islam in Europe’ debate using the categories ‘Islam’ and ‘Europe’. The question of categories is addressed through Bourdieu’s critique of journalism’s influence on research, leading to questions about suitable criteria of demarcation and meaningful terminologies. The route goes via classical theorists of science, such as Carnap, Popper and Kuhn, to Ricoeur, Said and Connolly. Some segments of the modern genealogy of the category of Islam in European studies are also touched upon. The article ends with a call for unpopular categories as an escape from the popular and political frames of debate.


Multilingua ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kutlay Yagmur

Abstract European discourse on linguistic minorities reflect the construction of inter-ethnic boundaries between national (such as Dutch or French), indigenous minorities (such as Basque, Catalan or Frisian), and immigrant minorities (Arabic, Berber or Turkish). In the European public discourse on immigrant minority groups, two major characteristics emerge: immigrant minority groups are often referred to as foreigners (étrangers, Ausländer) and as being in need of integration. It is common practice to refer to immigrant minority groups in terms of non-national residents and to their languages in terms of non-territorial, non-regional, non-indigenous, or non-European languages. This conceptual exclusion rather than inclusion in the European public discourse derives from a restrictive interpretation of the notions of citizenship and nationality. Based on the empirical evidence derived from Language Rich Europe project, a phenomenological perspective on ethnic minorities and inter-ethnic boundary construction will be presented in this paper.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511878267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi A. Campbell ◽  
Katherine Arredondo ◽  
Katie Dundas ◽  
Cody Wolf

This article explores the interrelationship between religion and politics as presented through memetic discourse surrounding the 2016 presidential election. Based on a study of 150 Internet memes of political candidates and core issues framed by religious discourse, and a case study of memes focused on then-presidential candidate Donald Trump, we investigated the distinct understanding of what constitutes religion that arises. Overwhelmingly, these memes evoke what is known as “Civil Religion,” where religion becomes a tool to interpret politics, with roots in nationalist ideologies. This challenges previous research suggesting religious memetic discourse primarily promotes a view of “lived religion,” or personalized interpretations of traditional religious beliefs and practices. Drawing on previous research of the dominant genres of religious memes and ways they frame religion, we find religious-political memes enact distinct strategies of political God Talk where religious discourse is read through a political lens, and vice versa. This is highly problematic as it presents religion in broad brushstrokes that fail to acknowledge the diversity of religious communities and their responses to politics within American cultural discourse. Overall, we argue religious-political memes showcase the dissonance created by mixing religion and politics in public discourse online, especially when meme messages representing conservative Christianity suggest they speak for all of American religious culture.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 203-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Titus Hjelm

This article examines recent debates about the ‘return of religion’ to the European public sphere. It argues that there is widespread confusion between religion being more visible and religion having more impact on contemporary societies. The article asks what the 'new visibility of religion' means, how religion is contested and renegotiated in the public arena—or rather, in different publics—and what the effects of these struggles are on society, state and religion itself. It does so by providing an analytical overview five distinct approaches to the new visibility of religion: desecularization, de-privatization and post-secularity; the effects of ‘welfare utopianism’ on public religion; religion as a social problem; religion as expedient; and the mediatization or publicization of religion. The article concludes that what we are witnessing is a ‘secular return’ of religion, where religion is relevant for public discourse only by virtue of being either problematic or useful.


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