scholarly journals Polarized we trade? Intraparty polarization and US trade policy

Author(s):  
Gordon M. Friedrichs

AbstractResearch indicates that polarization has led to an increasing dispersion between moderate and more extreme voters within both parties. Intraparty polarization supposedly affects the nature of interparty competition as it creates political space for new political realignments and the rise of anti-establishment candidates. This article examines the extent and impact of intraparty polarization in Congress on US trade policy. Specifically, the article examines whether (and which) trade policy preferences are distributed within and between both parties, as well as how intraparty polarization has influenced the outcome of US trade negotiations. It is theorized that intraparty polarization causes crosscutting legislative coalitions around specific trade policies and political realignments around ideological factions, with consequences for the outcome of trade negotiations. By relying on a unique dataset of congressional letters and co-sponsorship legislation, the article first derives trade policy preferences from members of Congress and computes their ideological means. Two contemporary cases of US trade policy are examined: The Transpacific Partnership Agreement and the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement. Via a structured-focused comparison of both cases, the paper finally assesses under which combinations of preference-based and ideology-based intraparty polarization Congress manages to ratify trade agreements. Findings suggest that both parties are intrinsically polarized between free trade and fair trade preferences yet show variance in their degree of ideology-based intraparty polarization. These findings contribute to existing work on bipartisanship as well as factions in the foreign policy realm, as it shows under which circumstances legislators can build crosscutting coalitions around foreign policies.

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz ◽  
Eunji Kim

AbstractUsing a population-based survey experiment, this study evaluates the role of in-group favoritism in influencing American attitudes toward international trade. By systematically altering which countries gain or lose from a given trade policy (Americans and/or people in trading partner countries), we vary the role that in-group favoritism should play in influencing preferences.Our results provide evidence of two distinct forms of in-group favoritism. The first, and least surprising, is that Americans value the well-being of other Americans more than that of people outside their own country. Rather than maximize total gains, Americans choose policies that maximize in-group well-being. This tendency is exacerbated by a sense of national superiority; Americans favor their national in-group to a greater extent if they perceive Americans to be more deserving.Second, high levels of perceived intergroup competition lead some Americans to prefer trade policies that benefit the in-group and hurt the out-group over policies that help both their own country and the trading partner country. For a policy to elicit support, it is important not only that the US benefits, but also that the trading partner country loses so that the US achieves a greater relative advantage. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding bipartisan public opposition to trade.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Victor Purba

"Section 301" memberikan wewenang luas kepada Presiden AS untuk mengambil tindakanpembalasan terhadap praktek-praktek perdagangan negara asing yang dianggap merugikan AS. Keampuhan Section 301 ini antara lain berhasil membuka pasar bagi barang-barang Amerika di luar negeri. Umpamanya Jepang, yang akhirnya bersedia menerima penjualan alat-alat telekomunikasi, jeruk dan daging asal AS. Namun, ancaman Section 301 tidak selalu berhasil membuka pasar luar negeri. Sengketa kemudian diselesaikan dalam pertemuan-pertemuan GATT.


2000 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Karol

Scholars assert that divided government impedes the liberalization of U.S. trade policy. They claim that presidents favor freer trade and will use the negotiating authority Congress delegates to them to reach agreements lowering trade barriers. Since presidents gain more support from their congressional co-partisans, less liberalization ensues under divided government. This theory rests on the premise that party is unrelated to congressional trade policy preferences beyond legislators' tendencies to support their presidential co-partisans. Yet before 1970 congressional Democrats were relatively free trading regardless of the president's party affiliation. Since then, the same has been true of Republicans. Divided government facilitates the trade policies of presidents from the protectionist party since they win more support from their “opposition” in this area. Divided government does impede the efforts of presidents from the free-trading party to liberalize. I conclude that divided government has no consistent effect on trade policy outcomes.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 230-236
Author(s):  
Reinhard Rode

Significance A leading election issue is trade policy, which Trump has taken in a different direction to his predecessors. The question has increased salience given COVID-19 economic losses and the importance of foreign markets and competition to the US recovery. Impacts Under Biden or Trump, trade deals will have stronger labour rights and pharmaceutical standards. Environmental groups will struggle to insert strong standards into trade agreements. US manufacturing will reshore, driven by Trump's 'America First' policies and the need for greater self-sufficiency after COVID-19. The outlook for US exports will depend on how fast foreign countries reopen their economies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW D. MITCHELL ◽  
THOMAS J. PRUSA

AbstractJust as it had in several recent similar disputes, the Panel in China–Autos found several of the challenged issues WTO-inconsistent. We believe virtually all of the deficiencies noted by the Panel could be easily addressed with minor changes to MOFCOM practices. The real significance of this dispute lies in what it tell us about the larger trade policy dance between the US and China. On the one hand, with the series of related WTO disputes the US has demonstrated that China must comply with WTO rules. The more vexing challenge, however, is the apparent tit-for-tat motivation for this and other recent Chinese trade policies, and on this point this dispute does little to change the calculus. The prospective nature of WTO relief makes it almost impossible for the WTO to discourage the type of opportunistic protectionist actions exemplified by this case.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  

AbstractThe metaphor of the two-level game has been used to describe the process whereby political leaders find themselves negotiating simultaneously at the domestic and international tables when trying to reach international cooperative agreements. This article examines the role of domestic politics in the US debate over trade policy in recent years. Specifically, the article analyzes the bargaining between the Clinton administration and the US Congress over the appropriate role for labor (and environmental) issues in trade negotiations in the context of the debate over so-called ``fast-track'' negotiating authority. The article then goes on to analyze how the domestic politics of this issue could affect an international negotiation over worker rights in the World Trade Organization.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document