Why foreign military interventions prolong civil wars: lessons from Yemen

Author(s):  
Fred H. Lawson
2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Johansson ◽  
Mehwish Sarwari

What is the impact of foreign troop support on combatant-perpetrated sexual violence against civilians? We hypothesize that biased troop support increases the risk of sexual violence by the subordinate party both as a consequence of strategic considerations and as a product of a situation increasingly conducive to opportunistic behavior. Time-series cross-section analyses of all civil wars during 1989–2012 are largely supportive of our expectation. Rebel groups are more likely to perpetrate sexual violence the more troop support the state receives. Likewise, state forces are more prone to commit sexual violence the more they are challenged by troops supporting the rebel group(s).


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-136
Author(s):  
Maria Puri

The Indian State has a long history of military interventions at numerous, mostly peripheral locations. Most of the interventions are protracted and may be viewed as virtual civil wars, each side producing and legitimizing its own version of events. This paper will focus on the fallout of the Punjab insurgency (1970–1995), and its decisive point, the Indian army intervention codenamed Operation Bluestar (June 1984), as narrated by a former militant, Sandip Kaur. Her Punjabi book, Bikhṛā Pai͂dā (“Difficult Journey”) (2008), written by somebody who is not a writer, represents a sub-category which “inhabits (…) margins of literary and autobiographical writing” (Butalia 2017: 20). Hence, it offers a unique glimpse into the process of identity construction, both at the personal and the communal level, enacted against the larger backdrop of national games played out on the regional scene and informed by Sikh ‘metacommentary’ (Oberoi 1987: 27).


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-241
Author(s):  
Fred H. Lawson

Studies of the impact of foreign military intervention on the duration of civil wars most often fail to distinguish conflicts in which a single external state intervenes from those in which several outside states intervene. One influential quantitative analysis that does explore this distinction (Cunningham, Journal of Peace Research 47(2), 115–127, 2010) focuses primarily on whether or not the interests and preferences of the intervening state(s) coincide with those of prominent local actors. By revising this study’s dataset to clarify the distinction between single-state interventions and multiple-state interventions, it can be demonstrated that the latter are associated with lengthier wars than the former. Both types of foreign military interventions are correlated with civil wars that last longer than average.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Kamil Klosek

Current research on motivational sources of military interventions in civil wars frequently assumes that states intervene due to direct interests in the civil war country. However, this study argues that there exists a subset of interventions in which weaker powers intervene on behalf of interests which great powers hold vis-à-vis the civil war country. Using the logic of principal-agent theory in combination with arms trade data allows one to identify 14 civil wars which experienced the phenomenon of indirect military interventions. This type of intervention features a weaker power providing troops for combat missions, whereas its major arms supplier is only involved with indirect military support. The analysis is complemented with two brief case studies on the Moroccan intervention in Zaire (1977) and the Ugandan intervention in the Central African Republic (2009). Both case studies corroborate expectations as deduced from the proxy intervention framework.


Author(s):  
Chia-yi Lee

The resource curse literature shows that natural resources, particularly oil, help regime or leadership survival, but it also suggests that resource-rich countries are prone to civil wars or political instability. This article argues that the ownership structure of the oil sector matters and influences leadership survival. Specifically, foreign ownership of the oil sector raises leaders’ survival prospect and leads to more military interventions aimed to help the leader. Using data on oil ownership and leaders from 1962 to 2006 across 120 developing countries, this article finds that foreign involvement in the oil sector has a negative effect on leadership turnover. Countries with deeper foreign involvement in the oil sector are also more likely to experience military interventions on the side of the leaders. In other words, leaders of oil-producing countries do receive political support when they cooperate with and serve as ‘petro-friends’ to foreign powers.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Blakemore ◽  
Elaine Murphy
Keyword(s):  

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